discussion

 Part A

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1. Which student groups are experiencing the achievement gap? Discuss factors that may contribute to educational inequality.

2. How can society and/or individuals support parents in gaining the cultural capital that children need to succeed academically?

You may use your learning resources for the week or find other resources outside of the classroom. Your sources must be credible. Be sure to include in-text citations and a reference list where appropriate to support your responses. 

part B 

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You are a working single parent of a 16-year-old son and a 13-year-old daughter. Your son has an 11 PM curfew on weekends, but recently, he has been ignoring curfew and coming home after midnight. When you try to address this with him, he either ignores you or gets angry and starts screaming at you. When he’s at home, he tends to shut himself away in his room. His latest report card shows that his grades are slipping. You are getting very concerned, but you work full-time and parent by yourself, so you are getting frustrated as well. 

At the same time, your daughter has been telling you that she doesn’t feel well and doesn’t want to go to school. After some prodding, she shared that she has been getting teased at school and bullied online. 

After reviewing the learning resources for this week, come up with a strategy for dealing with your children that is supported by the literature on adolescent discipline. What are some of the things that you need to take into consideration? What actions would you implement to try and address the problematic behaviors you are witnessing? What actions would you avoid?

For this discussion, an excellent response will be well written and at least 2-3 paragraphs in length, incorporating at least 3 of the learning resources provided. You may also include other resources that you find outside of the classroom. Remember to use in-text citations and a reference list to identify the ideas that you learned from your sources. Any idea that came from something you read must be cited. When in doubt, cite it!

McGilley, Beth M., a

n

d Tamara L. Pryor. ‘‘Assessment and

Treatment of Bulimia Nervosa.’’ American Family

Physician 57 (June 1998): 1339.

Miller, Karl E. ‘‘Co

g

nitive Behavior Treatment of Bulimia

Nervosa.’’ American Family Physician 63 (February 1,

2001): 536.

‘‘Position of the American Dietetic Association: Nutrition

Intervention in the Treatment of Anorexia Nervosa,

Bulimia Nervosa, and Eating Disorders Not Otherwise

Specified.’’ Journal of the American Dietetic Association

101 (July 2001): 810–28.

Romano, Steven J., Katherine A. Halmi, Neena P. San-

kar, and others. ‘‘A Placebo-Controlled Study of

Fluoxetine in Continued Treatment of Bulimia

Nervosa After Successful Acute Fluoxetine Treat-

ment.’’ American Journal of Psychiatry 159 (January

2002): 96–102.

Steiger, Howard, Lise Gauvin, Mimi Israel, and others.

‘‘Association of Serotonin and Cortisol Indices with

Childhood Abuse in Bulimia Nervosa.’’ Archives of

General Psychiatry 58 (September 2001): 837.

Vink, T., A. Hinney, A. A. van Elburg, and others. ‘‘Asso-

ciation Between an Agouti-Related Protein Gene Poly-

morphism and Anorexia Nervosa.’’ Molecular

Psychiatry 6 (May 2001): 325–28.

Walling, Anne D. ‘‘Anti-Nausea Drug Promising in Treat-

ment of Bulimia Nervosa.’’ American Family Physician

62 (September 1, 2000): 1156.

ORGANIZATIONS

Academy for Eating Disorders, Montefiore Medical School,

Adolescent Medicine. 111 East 210th Street, Bronx, NY

10467. Telephone: (718) 920-6782.

American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry.

3615 Wisconsin Avenue N.W., Washington, DC 20016-

3007. Telephone: (202) 966-7300. Fax: (202) 966-2891.

.

American Anorexia/Bulimia Association. 165 W. 46th

Street, Suite 1108, New York, NY 10036. Telephone:

(212) 575-6200.

American Dietetic Association. Telephone: (800) 877-1600.

.

Anorexia Nervosa and Related Eating Disorders, Inc.

(ANRED). P.O. Box 5102, Eugene, OR 97405. Tele-

phone: (541) 344-1144. .

Center for the Study of Anorexia and Bulimia. 1 W. 91st St.,

New York, NY 10024. Telephone: (212) 595-3449.

OTHER

‘‘Bulima Nervosa.’’ U.S. Department of Health and Human

Services.

read/bulnervosa-etr.htm>.

Rebecca Frey, PhD
Emily Jane Willingham, PhD

Bullying
Definition

Bullying is a persistent pattern of threatening,
harassing, or aggressive behavior directed toward
another person or persons who are perceived as
smaller, weaker, or less powerful. Although often
thought of as a childhood phenomenon, bullying can
occur wherever people interact, most notably observ-
able in the workplace and in the home. Bullying is also
called harassment.

Description

‘‘Kids will be kids,’’ the saying goes, so warning
signs of bullying are often overlooked as a natural part
of childhood. However, although playground bullies
have been around since time immemorial, such behav-
ior should neither be considered acceptable nor excus-
able. Bullying is a form of abuse and violence, and the
tragic Columbine High School massacre in 1999
underscores the potential dangers of unchecked
bullying.

There are many forms of bullying. Bullies may
intimidate or harass their victims physically through
hitting, pushing, or other physical violence; verbally
through such actions as threats or name calling; or
psychologically through spreading rumors, making
sexual comments or gestures, or excluding the victim
from desired activities. Such behavior does not need to
occur in person: Cyberbullying is a persistent pattern
of threatening, harassing, or aggressive behavior car-
ried out online.

There are many reasons to stop bullying. Bullying
interferes with school performance, and children who
are afraid of being bullied are more likely to miss
school or drop out. Bullied children frequently expe-
rience developmental harm and fail to reach their full
physiological, social, and academic potentials. Chil-
dren who are bullied grow increasingly insecure and
anxious, and have persistently decreased self-esteem
and greater depression than their peers, often even as
adults. Children have even been known to commit
suicide as a result of being bullied.

People who are bullies as children often become
bullies as adults. Bullying behavior in the home is
called child abuse or spousal abuse. Bullying also
occurs in prisons and in churches.

Recently, attention has been turned to the topic of
bullying in the workplace (sometimes called harass-
ment), where bosses and organizational peers bully
those whom they perceive as their inferiors or weaker

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than they. Those bullied at work often become per-

ceived as ineffective, thus abrogating their career suc-

cess and influencing their earning potential. Victims of

workplace bullying often change jobs in search of a

less hostile environment because organizations are

frequently not sensitive to the issue of workplace bul-

lying or equipped to adequately or justly deal with it.

Demographics

Bullying in children

Bullying among children is a persistent and sub-

stantial problem. According to a study published in

2001 by the Kaiser Family Foundation and Nickel-

odeon Television, 55% of 8–11-year-olds and 68% of

12–15-year-olds said that bullying is a ‘‘big problem’’

for people their age. Seventy-four percent of the 8–11-

year-olds and 86% of the 12–15-year-olds also

reported that children were bullied or teased at their

school. Children at greatest risk of being bullied are

those who are perceived as social isolates or outcasts

by their peers, have a history of changing schools, have

poor social skills and a desire to fit in ‘‘at any cost,’’ are

defenseless, or are viewed by their peers as being

different.

A study of more than 16,000 children in the sixth
through tenth grades conducted for the National Insti-
tute of Child Health and Human Development found
that bullying is a common problem in the United
States and requires serious attention. Nearly 60% of
the children responding to the survey reported that
they had been victims of rumors. More than 50% of
the children reported that they had been the victims of
sexual harassment.

The National Center for Education Statistics
(NCES) of the U.S. Department of Education found
that white, non-Hispanic children were more likely to
report being the victims of bullying than black or other
non-Hispanic children. Younger children were more
likely to report being bullied than older children, and
children attending schools with gangs were more likely
to report being bullied than children in schools with-
out a major gang presence. No differences were found
in these patterns between public and private schools.
Fewer children reported bullying in schools that were
supervised by police officers, security officers, or staff

A young boy faces bullying from older and bigger kids. (Gideon Mendel/Alamy)

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hallway monitors. Victims of bullying were more
likely to be criminally victimized at school than were
other children. Victims of bullying were more afraid of
being attacked both at school and elsewhere and more
likely to avoid certain areas of school (for example, the
cafeteria, hallways or stairs, or restrooms) or activities
where bullying was more likely to take place. Signifi-
cantly, victims of bullies were more likely to report
that they carried weapons to school for protection.

Children who are identified as bullies by the time
they are eight years of age are six times more likely
than other children to have a criminal conviction by
the time they are 24 years old. Bullying behavior may
also be accompanied by other inappropriate behavior,
including criminal, delinquent, or gang behavior.

Bullying in the workplace

Although research has been conducted on bully-
ing in Europe for some time, the topic has only
recently become of interest in the United States.
There are no ‘‘official’’ figures currently available for
incidents of bullying in the workplace. However, the
nonprofit Workplace Bullying Institute conducted
an informal survey of 1,000 self-selected volunteer
respondents. Although it cannot be assumed that the
volunteers answering the survey are representative of
individuals in the workplace in general, the results do
give food for thought concerning the prevalence of
workplace bullying.

In the survey, 80% of the women and 20% of the
men reported having been bullied at work. Sixty-one
percent of the victims of workplace bullying said that
the behavior was ongoing. The survey also found that
70% of victims of workplace bullying lose their jobs:
37% of the victims were fired or involuntarily termi-
nated and 16% of the victims transferred to another
position within the same organization. On the other
hand, the survey found that only 4% of bullies stopped
their aggressive or harassing actions after punishment
and that only 9% of workplace bullies were trans-
ferred, fired, or involuntarily terminated. Contrary
to the cartoon portrait of male bullies, the survey
showed that 50% of workplace bullying was done by
women victimizing other women. Men bullying
women accounted for only 30% of bullying, while
men bullying men accounted for 12% of workplace
bullying and women bullying men accounted for 8%.
The figure with women bullying other women is par-
ticularly interesting because such same-sex harass-
ment (with the exception of sexual harassment) is
usually outside the scope of antidiscrimination laws
and is typically not tracked.

Causes and symptoms

As of this writing, there is no evidence to support
the theory that there is a genetic component to bully-
ing behavior. Particularly in children, it is most often
theorized that bullying is a result of the bully copying
the actions of role models who bully others. This
frequently happens when bullies come from a home
in which one parent bullies another or one or both
parents bully the children. When such behavior is
modeled for children with personality traits such as
lack of impulse control or aggression, they are partic-
ularly prone to bullying behavior, which is often con-
tinued into adulthood.

Bullying in children

According to the U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services, children with dominant personal-
ities and who are more impulsive and active are more
prone to becoming bullies than children without
these traits. Bullies also often have a history of emo-
tional or behavioral problems. Victims of bullying,
on the other hand, tend to be more anxious, insecure,
and socially isolated than their peers, and often lack
age-appropriate social skills. The probability of vic-
timization can be compounded when the victim has
low self-esteem due to physical characteristics (for
example, the victim believes her/himself to be unat-
tractive or is outside the normal range for height or
weight) or problems (for example, health problems or
physical or mental disability).

Warning signs and factors that may indicate risk
for being or becoming a bully include:

� lack of impulse control (frequent loss of temper,
extreme impulsiveness, easily frustrated, extreme
mood swings)

� family factors (abuse or violence within the family,
substance or alcohol abuse within the family, overly
permissive parenting, lack of clear limits, inadequate
parental supervision, harsh/corporal punishment,
child abuse, inconsistent parenting)

� behavioral symptoms (gang affiliation, name calling
or abusive language, carrying a weapon, hurting ani-
mals, alcohol or drug abuse, making serious threats,
vandalizing or damaging property, frequent physical
fighting)

Symptoms that a child may be being bullied
include:

� social withdrawal or isolation (few or no friends;
feeling isolated, sad, and alone; feeling picked on or
persecuted; feeling rejected or not liked; having poor
social skills)

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� somatic complaints (frequent complaints about ill-
ness; displaying victim body language, including
hanging head, hunching shoulders, and avoiding
eye contact)

� avoidant behavior (not wanting to go to school; skips
classes or skips school)

� affective reactions (crying easily; having mood
swings; talking about hopelessness, running away,
or suicide)

� physical clues (bringing home damaged possessions
or reports that belongings were ‘‘lost’’)

� behavior changes (changes in eating or sleeping
patterns)

� aggressive behavior (threatening violence to self or
others, taking or attempting to take weapon to
school)

Each child will react to bullying in a different
manner, and some children will react with only a few
of these symptoms. This, however, does not mean that
bullying is not severe or that intervention is not
needed.

Bullying in the workplace

Bullying in the workplace is usually motivated by
political rather than personal reasons. Workers com-
pete over scarce resources such as promotions, raises,
and the corner office or other honors. In an attempt to
climb the ladder of success, some individuals do what
they can to not only present themselves in a good light
to their superiors, but to make one or more coworkers
seem unworthy or inept. Bullying bosses demonstrate
poor leadership styles and poor motivational skills,
frequently attempting to further either their own or
the company’s agenda through harassment, belittling,
or other negative behaviors.

Common tactics used by bullies in the workplace
include:

� discounting/belittling victim in public (making state-
ments such as ‘‘that’s silly’’ in response to victim’s
ideas, disregarding evidence of satisfactory or super-
lative work done by victim, taking credit for victim’s
work)

� false accusations (rumors about victim, lies about
victim’s performance)

� harassment (verbal putdowns based on gender, race,
disability)

� isolating behaviors (encouraging others to turn
against victim, socially or physically isolating the
victim from others)

� nonverbal aggression (staring, glaring, silent treatment)

� sabotages victim’s work

� unequal treatment (retaliating against victim who
files a complaint, making up arbitrary rules for vic-
tim to follow, assigning undesirable work as a pun-
ishment, making unreasonable/unreachable goals or
deadlines for victim, performing a constructive dis-
charge of duties)

Diagnosis

Bullying in itself is not a mental disorder, although

aggressive or harassing behavior may be symptomatic

of a number of disorders, particularly antisocial per-
sonality disorder and schizoid behavior. There are,
however, a number of criteria to help determine if

someone is a bully. First, to qualify as bullying, the

bully’s behavior must be intended to cause physical or

psychological harm to the other person. Second, bully-

ing behavior is not an isolated incident but results in a

consistent pattern of such behavior over time. Third,

bullying occurs where there is an imbalance of power

whereby the bully has more physical or psychological

power than the victim. Harassing behavior is not con-

sidered to be bullying if it occurs between individuals of

equal strength and status or if it is a one-time event.

Bullying behavior in children can include any of
the following behaviors:

� dominance (enjoying feeling powerful and in control,
seeking to dominate or manipulate others, being a
poor winner or loser)

� lack of empathy (deriving satisfaction from the fears,
pain, or discomfort of others; enjoying conflict
between others; displaying intolerance and prejudice
toward others)

� negative emotions or violence (displaying uncon-
trolled anger or a pattern of impulsive and chronic
hitting, intimidating, or aggressive behavior)

� lack of responsibility (blaming others for his/her
problems)

� other behaviors (using drugs or alcohol, or being a
gang member; hiding bullying behavior from adults;
having a history of discipline problems)

Victims of bullying—whether children or adults—

may need to be assessed and treated for an anxiety
disorder if they need help responding to or recovering

from bullying.

Treatments and prevention

If bullying behavior is symptomatic of an under-
lying mental disorder such as antisocial personality
disorder, treatment and prevention should be guided
by and address the underlying disorder. For situations

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in which bullying behavior is not part of a pattern
associated with an underlying mental disorder, treat-
ment and establishing organizational or familial proc-
esses for dealing with it are required.

Bullying in children

To help keep a child from becoming a bully, it is
important to be a role model for nonviolent behavior.
Parents should also clearly communicate to the child
that bullying behavior is not acceptable, and clear
limits should be established for acceptable behavior
and consequences for ignoring the limits should be
defined. Teaching good social skills—including effica-
cious conflict resolution skills and anger management
skills—can also help potential bullies learn alternative,
socially acceptable behaviors. If the child persists in
bullying behavior or if the parent(s) suspect that their
child is a bully, help can be sought from mental health
professionals and school counselors. Taking the child
to a child psychologist and participating in family
therapy as appropriate can help teach a bully better
interpersonal skills. Contacting the school counselor
or a child psychologist is also an appropriate step in
helping the victims of bullies.

If parents suspect that their child may be being
bullied, they should make sure that he or she under-
standsthatthe problem isnot hisor herfaultand that he
or she does not have to face the situation alone. Parents
can discuss ways to deal with bullies, including walking
away, being assertive, and getting help. Parents should
also encourage the child to report bullying behavior to a
teacher, counselor, or other trusted adult. However,
parents should not try to resolve the situation them-
selves but should contact the school to report the behav-
ior and for recommendations for further assistance.

Bullying in the workplace

Bullying in the workplace can be minimized if the
organization develops and enforces anti-harassment
policies and procedures. These should include a stated
definition on what constitutes harassment, creating
and implementing a disciplinary system to punish the
bully rather than the victim, and instituting a formal
grievance system to report workplace bullying. Other
measures that can be taken include inclusiveness and
harassment training, awareness training to educate
employees on how to spot bullying behavior, and
offering courses in conflict resolution, anger manage-
ment, or assertiveness training.

Bullies are not the only ones needing help. The
intention of a bully is to harm the other person; vic-
tims, therefore, may experience a number of negative

consequences from being the victim of a bully. If the
behavior associated with being a victim persists after
the bullying situation has been resolved or if the sit-
uation continues without just resolution, victims
should be assessed for depression and/or an anxiety
disorder if their symptoms warrant, and receive the
appropriate treatment.

Resources

BOOKS

Einarsen, Ståle, Helge Hoel, Dieter Zapf, and Cary L.
Cooper, eds. Bullying and Emotional Abuse in the
Workplace: International Perspectives in Research and
Practice. New York: Taylor and Francis, 2003.

Espelage, Dorothy L., and Susan M. Swearer, eds. Bullying
in American Schools: A Social-Ecological Perspective on
Prevention and Intervention. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence

Erlbaum Associates, 2003.

Geffner, Robert A, Marti Tamm Loring, and Corinna
Young, eds. Bullying Behavior: Current Issues,

Research, and Interventions. Binghamton, New York:
Haworth Maltreatment and Trauma Press, 2002.

Needham, Andrea. Workplace Bullying: The Costly Business
Secret. New York: Penguin Global, 2004.

O’Moore, Mona, and Stephen Minton. Dealing with Bully-
ing in Schools: A Training Manual for Teachers, Parents
and Other Professionals. London: Paul Chapman Pub-

lishing, 2004.

K E Y T E R M S

Antisocial personality disorder—A personality dis-
order characterized by aggressive, impulsive, or
even violent actions that violate the established
rules or conventions of a society.

Anxiety disorder—A group of mood disorders
characterized by apprehension and associated
bodily symptoms of tension (such as tense muscles,
fast breathing, rapid heart beat). When anxious, the
individual anticipates threat, danger, or misfortune.
Anxiety disorders include panic disorder (with or
without agoraphobia), agoraphobia without panic
disorder, specific phobias, social phobia, obses-
sive-compulsive disorder (OCD), post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD), acute stress disorder, gener-
alized anxiety disorder, anxiety disorder due to a
general medical condition, and substance-induced
anxiety disorder.

Representative sample—A subset of the overall
population of interest that is chosen so that it accu-
rately displays the same essential characteristics of
the larger population in the same proportion.

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Rigby, Ken. New Perspectives on Bullying. London: Jessica
Kingsley Publishers, 2002.

VandenBos, Gary R.,ed. APA Dictionary of Psychology.
Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Associa-

tion, 2007.

PERIODICALS

Ahmed, Eliza, and Valerie Braithwaite. ‘‘Forgiveness,
Reconciliation, and Shame: Three Key Variables in
Reducing School Bullying.’’ Journal of Social Issues
62.2 (2006): 347–70.

Bowling, Nathan A., and Terry A. Beehr. ‘‘Workplace
Harassment from the Victim’s Perspective: A Theoret-
ical Model and Meta-Analysis.’’ Journal of Applied

Psychology 91.5 (2006): 998–1012.

Chan, John H. F. ‘‘Systemic Patterns in Bullying and
Victimization.’’ School Psychology International 27.3
(2006): 352–369.

Cossa, Mario. ‘‘How Rude!: Using Sociodrama in the
Investigation of Bullying and Harassing Behavior and
in Teaching Civility in Educational Communities.’’
Journal of Group Psychotherapy, Psychodrama and

Sociometry 58.4 (2006): 182–94.

Heydenberk, Roberta A., Warren R. Heydenberk, and Vera
Tzenova. ‘‘Conflict Resolution and Bully Prevention:

Skills for School Success.’’ Conflict Resolution Quar-
terly 24.1 (2006): 55–69.

Kim, Young Shin, Bennett L. Leventhal, Yun-Joo Koh,
Alan Hubbard, and W. Thomas Boyce. ‘‘School Bully-

ing and Youth Violence: Causes or Consequences of
Psychopathologic Behavior?’’ Archives of General
Psychiatry 63.9 (2006): 1035–41.

Ledley, Deborah Roth, and others. ‘‘The Relationship

Between Childhood Teasing and Later Interpersonal
Functioning.’’ Journal of Psychopathology and Behav-
ioral Assessment 28.1 (2006): 33–40.

Lee, Raymond T., and Céleste M. Brotheridge. ‘‘When Prey
Turns Predatory: Workplace Bullying as a Predictor of
Counteraggression/Bullying, Coping, and Well-Being.’’
European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychol-

ogy 15.3 (2006): 352–77.

Lewis, Sian E. ‘‘Recognition of Workplace Bullying: A
Qualitative Study of Women Targets in the Public

Sector.’’ Journal of Community and Applied Social
Psychology 16.2 (2006): 119–35.

Lutgen-Sandvik, Pamela. ‘‘Take This Job and . . . : Quitting
and Other Forms of Resistance to Workplace Bullying.’’

Communication Monographs 73.4 (2006): 406–33.

Moayed, Farman A., Nancy Daraiseh, Richard Shell, and
Sam Salem. ‘‘Workplace Bullying: A Systematic Review
of Risk Factors and Outcomes.’’ Theoretical Issues in

Ergonomics Science 7.3 (2006): 311–27.

Nickel, Marius K., and others. ‘‘Influence of Family Ther-
apy on Bullying Behaviour, Cortisol Secretion, Anger,

and Quality of Life in Bullying Male Adolescents: A
Randomized, Prospective, Controlled Study.’’ Cana-
dian Journal of Psychiatry 51.6 (2006): 355–62.

Parkins, Irina Sumajin, and Harold D. Fishbein. ‘‘The

Influence of Personality on Workplace Bullying and

Discrimination.’’ Journal of Applied Social Psychology
36.10 (2006): 2554–77.

Patchin, Justin W., and Sameer Hinduja. ‘‘Bullies Move

Beyond the Schoolyard: A Preliminary Look at Cyber-
bullying.’’ Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 4.2
(2006): 148–69.

Peskin, Melissa Fleschler, Susan R. Tortolero, and Christine

M. Markham. ‘‘Bullying and Victimization Among
Black and Hispanic Adolescents.’’ Adolescence 41.163
(2006): 467–84.

Phillips, Debby A. ‘‘Punking and Bullying: Strategies in
Middle School, High School, and Beyond.’’ Journal of
Interpersonal Violence 22.2 (2007): 158–78.

Twemlow, Stuart W., Peter Fonagy, Frank C. Sacco, and
John R. Brethour Jr. ‘‘Teachers Who Bully Students: A
Hidden Trauma.’’ International Journal of Social Psy-

chiatry 52.3 (2006): 187–98.

ORGANIZATIONS

American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. 3615
Wisconsin Avenue N.W., Washington, DC 20016-3007.
Telephone: (202) 966-7300. .

Mental Health America. 2000 N. Beauregard Street, 6th

Floor, Alexandria, VA 22311. Telephone: (800) 969-
6642. TTY: (800) 433-5959. .

National Institute of Child Health and Human Develop-

ment. P.O. Box 3006, Rockville, MD 20847. Tele-
phone: (800) 370-2943. TTY: Telephone: (888) 320-
6942. .

National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), Public Infor-
mation and Communications Branch. 6001 Executive
Boulevard, Room 8184, MSC 9663, Bethesda, MD

20892-9663. Telephone: (866) 615-6464. TTY: (866)
415-8051. .

National Mental Health Information Center. P.O. Box

42557, Washington, DC 20015. Telephone: (800) 789-

2647. TDD: (866) 889-2647.

samhsa.gov>.

National Youth Violence Prevention Resource Center. P.O.
Box 10809, Rockville, MD 20849-0809. Telephone:
(866) 723-3968. TTY: (888) 503-3952. .

U.S. Human Resources and Service Administration, Stop
Bullying Now!.

Workplace Bullying Institute. Telephone: (360) 656-6630.

.

Ruth A. Wienclaw, PhD

Bupropion
Definition

Bupropion is an antidepressant drug used to ele-
vate mood and promote recovery of a normal range of
emotions in patients with depressive disorders. In

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sponsored tour of classrooms in 1895. This time he
was armed with the first comparative test—a school/
student survey—ever used in American education or
psychology. During sixteen months of study, Rice
administered his survey to nearly 33,000 fourth- to
eighth-grade children, and he carefully tabulated
modifying conditions such as age, nationality, envi-
ronment, and type of school system. The survey fo-
cused, in part, on the pedagogy of spelling. Rice
found no link between the time spent on spelling
drills and students’ performance on spelling tests.
His study was far ahead of its time, not only method-
ologically but also pedagogically, as he pointed to
‘‘the futility of the spelling grind.’’

Rice served as editor of the Forum from 1897
through 1907. He retired in Philadelphia in 1915, the
same year that he published his last book, The Peo-
ple’s Government. He had married Deborah Levin-
son in 1900; they had two children. He died in
Philadelphia, June 1934.

See also: Assessment, Classroom; Education Re-
form; Herbart, Johann.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Houston, Camille M. E. 1965. ‘‘Joseph Mayer
Rice: Pioneer in Educational Research.’’ M.S.
thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison.

Rice, Joseph M. 1893. The Public-School System of
the United States. New York: Century.

Rice, Joseph M. 1898. The Rational Spelling Book.
New York: American Book.

Rice, Joseph M. 1913. Scientific Management in Ed-
ucation. New York: Hinds, Noble and Eldredge.

Rice, Joseph M. 1915. The People’s Government.
Philadelphia: Winston.

Janet L. Miller

RISK BEHAVIORS

DRUG USE AMONG TEENS

Christopher L. Ringwalt

HIV/AIDS AND ITS IMPACT ON ADOLESCENTS

Denise Dion Hallfors
Carolyn Tucker Halpern

Bonita Iritani

SEXUAL ACTIVITY AMONG TEENS AND TEEN
PREGNANCY TRENDS

Sheila Peters

SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES

Angela Huang

SMOKING AND ITS EFFECT ON CHILDREN’S HEALTH

Christopher S. Greeley

SUICIDE

Peter L. Sheras

TEEN PREGNANCY

Douglas B. Kirby

DRUG USE AMONG TEENS

Substance abuse is an international problem of epi-
demic proportions that has particularly devastating
effects on youth because the early initiation of alco-
hol, tobacco, or other drug (ATOD) use within this
population is linked to abuse and related problem
behaviors among adults. The cost of alcohol abuse
to society is estimated to be $250 billion per year in
health care, public safety, and social welfare expendi-
tures. Key trends in substance use by twelfth graders
are displayed in Table 1.

Causes

A number of models and theories address the causes
of adolescent ATOD use. The most salient of these
is the ‘‘Risk and Protective Factor’’ framework,
which has identified a variety of psychosocial factors
associated with ATOD use. In the individual do-
main, substance use has been linked to values and
beliefs about and attitudes toward substances, genet-
ic susceptibility, early ATOD use, sensation seeking,
and various psychological disorders including anti-
social, aggressive, and other problem behaviors. In

TABLE 1

RISK BEHAVIORS: DRUG USE AMONG TEENS 2055

the family domain, ATOD use has been associated
with familial substance use, poor parenting practices
including harsh or inconsistent discipline, poor in-
trafamilial communication, and inadequate supervi-
sion and monitoring of children’s behaviors and
peer associations. In the peer domain, substance use
has been linked to social isolation and association
with ATOD-using and otherwise deviant peer net-
works. In the school domain, ATOD use has been
linked to poor academic performance and truancy,
as well as a disorderly and unsafe school climate and
lax school policies concerning substance use. In the
community and environmental domains, ready social
and physical access to ATODs has been associated
with use, as has lack of recreational resources (espe-
cially during the after-school hours).

Protective Factors

Protective factors, or factors that promote resiliency,
have also been identified in these various domains.
Among those most frequently cited are religiosity or
spirituality, commitment to academic achievement,
strong life skills, social competencies, and belief in
self-efficacy. Protective factors in the family and
school domains include strong intrafamilial bonds,
positive family dynamics, and positive attachment to
school. In the community and environmental do-
mains, strongly held adult values antithetical to sub-
stance use constitute protective factors, as do clearly
communicated and consistently enforced regula-
tions concerning use.

Prevention Strategies

A variety of strategies have demonstrated effective-
ness in preventing or reducing ATOD use. Project
Alert, described by Phyllis Ellickson and colleagues
in a 1993 article, and Life Skills Training Program,
described by Gill Botvin and colleagues in 1995, are
the two most-prevalent effective classroom-based
curricula. The ‘‘Reconnecting Youth’’ Program, de-
scribed by Leona Eggert and colleagues in 1994, is
designed for high school students who manifest poor
academic achievement or who are at high risk for
dropping out and other problem behaviors. In the
family domain, the Iowa Strengthening Families
Program, described by Richard Spoth and colleagues
in 1999, has received considerable attention. In the
community and environmental domains, strategies
have been developed to increase the enforcement of
public policies and ordinances that inhibit adoles-
cent substance use. These include efforts targeting

tobacco and alcohol outlets, including restrictions
on their location and density and on alcohol and to-
bacco advertising. Also effective is the vigorous en-
forcement of laws governing sales to minors,
including using underage youth to buy alcohol and
tobacco products in ‘‘sting’’ operations. Increasing
excise taxes on alcohol and tobacco products has
also been associated with reductions in use, as has
linking apprehension for infractions of laws related
to purchasing and consuming ATODs to suspension
or revocation of driver’s licenses. Other preventive
measures that target youth drivers include ‘‘zero tol-
erance’’ laws linking evidence of alcohol on the
breath with suspension or revocation of driving
privileges.

The results of two decades of evaluative research
have yielded considerable information suggesting
that a number of approaches to adolescent ATOD
use prevention do not work. Scare tactics, designed
to frighten adolescents into avoiding drugs, are often
recognized as such by their target audiences and can
even be counterproductive. Efforts to raise self-
esteem as a drug prevention strategy have long been
discredited given the lack of association between
self-esteem and ATOD use. Strategies designed to in-
crease knowledge and convey information about the
risks and dangers of drug use are generally recog-
nized to be failures, in part because of the lack of as-
sociation between knowledge and use. Indeed, all
largely didactic approaches to prevention education,
such as Project ‘‘Drug Abuse Resistance Education’’
(Project DARE), are widely understood to be inef-
fective, especially if they concentrate on long-term
risks. Mass media campaigns are of dubious value,
especially if they are brief, aired in contexts that are
unlikely to reach their target audience, and uncoor-
dinated with a comprehensive, community-wide
strategy.

Unfortunately, relatively little is also known
about prevention on college campuses. Many college
campuses have cultures that are at least covertly sup-
portive of alcohol consumption, and many adminis-
trators treat the issue with benign neglect. While
most drinking on college campuses occurs in neigh-
borhood bars and residential contexts such as frater-
nities, relatively little has been done to develop and
implement demonstration programs that increase
enforcement of, and penalties for, selling or other-
wise supplying liquor to underage students.

It is known that even the most effective and
comprehensive school-based strategies, and even

2056 RISK BEHAVIORS: DRUG USE AMONG TEENS

those that reinforce their messages across multiple
grade levels, are only slightly more effective than
school-based programs that are generally discredited
in the early twenty-first century. There has evolved
a consensus among both practitioners and research-
ers that school-based programs, by themselves, are
insufficient. Such efforts should be part of a broad
and comprehensive array of prevention approaches
that integrate both supply and demand reduction
strategies in the family and community, as well as
the individual, domains.

See also: Drug and Alcohol Abuse; Guidance
and Counseling, School; Family Composition
and Circumstance, subentry on Alcohol, Tobac-
co, and Other Drugs; Out-of-School Influ-
ences and Academic Success; Risk Behaviors,
subentry on Smoking and Its Effect on Chil-
dren’s Health.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Botvin, Gilbert J.; Baker, Eli; Dusenburg,
Linda; Botvin, Elizabeth M.; and Diaz,
Tracy. 1995. ‘‘Long-Term Followup Results of
a Randomized Drug Abuse Prevention Trial in
a White Middle-Class Population.’’ Journal of
the American Medical Association 273:1106–
1112.

Center for Substance Abuse Prevention. Divi-
sion of Knowledge Development and Eval-
uation. 1998. Science-Based Practices in
Substance Abuse Prevention: A Guide. Washing-
ton, DC: Substance Abuse and Mental Health
Services Administration, Center for Substance
Abuse Prevention, Division of Knowledge De-
velopment and Evaluation.

Center for Substance Abuse Prevention. Na-
tional Center for the Advancement of
Prevention. 2000. 2000 Annual Summary: Ef-
fective Prevention Principles and Programs. Rock-
ville, MD: Center for Substance Abuse
Prevention.

Dusenbury, Linda. 2000. ‘‘Implementing a Com-
prehensive Drug Abuse Prevention Strategy.’’ In
Increasing Prevention Effectiveness, ed. William
B. Hansen, Steve M. Giles, and Melodia Fear-
now-Kenney. Greensboro, NC: Tanglewood Re-
search.

Eggert, Leona L.; Thompson, Elaine A.; Hert-
ing, Jerald R.; Nicholas, Liela J.; and Dick-

er, Barbara G. 1994. ‘‘Preventing Adolescent
Drug Abuse and High School Dropout through
an Intensive School-Based Social Network De-
velopment Program.’’ American Journal of
Health Promotion 8:202–215.

Ellickson, Phyllis L.; Bell, Robert M.; and Mc-
Guigan, Kimberley. 1993. ‘‘Preventing Ado-
lescent Drug Use: Long-Term Results of a
Junior High Program.’’ American Journal of
Public Health 83:856–861.

Ennett, Susan; Tobler, Nancy S.; Ringwalt,
Christopher L.; and Flewelling, Robert L.
1994. ‘‘How Effective Is Drug Abuse Resistance
Education? A Meta-Analysis of Project DARE
Outcome Evaluations.’’ American Journal of
Public Health 84:1394–1401.

Hawkins, J. David; Catalano, Richard F.; and
Miller, Janet Y. 1992. ‘‘Risk and Protective
Factors for Alcohol and Other Drug Problems
in Adolescence and Early Adulthood: Implica-
tions for Substance Abuse Prevention.’’ Psycho-
logical Bulletin 112:64–105.

Pacific Institute for Research and Evalua-
tion. 1999. Strategies to Reduce Underage Alco-
hol Use: Typology and Brief Overview.
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice,
Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile
Justice and Delinquency Prevention.

Spoth, Richard Lee; Redmond, Cleve; and Lep-
per, H. 1999. ‘‘Alcohol Initiation Outcomes of
Universal Family-Focused Preventive Interven-
tions: One- and Two-Year Follow-Ups of a
Controlled Study.’’ Journal of Studies on Alcohol
13:103–111.

Tobler, Nancy S. 1986. ‘‘Meta-Analysis of 143 Ad-
olescent Drug Prevention Programs: Quantita-
tive Outcome Results of Program Participants
Compared to a Control or Comparison Group.’’
Journal of Drug Issues 16:537–567.

University of Michigan News and Informa-
tion Services. 2000. ‘‘‘Ecstasy’ Use Rises
Sharply among Teens in 2000: Use of Many
Other Drugs Stays Steady, but Significant De-
clines Are Reported for Some.’’ December 14
news release. Ann Arbor: University of Michi-
gan, News and Information Services.

I N T E R N E T R E S O U R C E

Join Together OnLine. 1999. ‘‘Alcohol Abuse
Costs Society $250 Billion Per Year.’’

RISK BEHAVIORS: DRUG USE AMONG TEENS 2057

.

Christopher L. Ringwalt

HIV/AIDS AND ITS IMPACT ON
ADOLESCENTS

Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) is a
significant threat to youth and young adults. It is the
seventh leading cause of death among U.S. youth
aged fifteen to twenty-four. More than 126,000 cases
of AIDS among individuals ages twenty to twenty-
nine had been diagnosed in the U.S. through June
2000. Given the long latency period between infec-
tion and symptoms, most of these individuals were
infected as adolescents. Estimates of human immu-
nodeficiency virus (HIV) among adolescents range
from 112,000 to 250,000 in the United States, al-
though actual prevalence is not known because rep-
resentative data are not available. Estimates of HIV
incidence in the early twenty-first century suggest
that at least 50 percent of the 40,000 new infections
in the United States each year are among individuals
under twenty-five years old, and 25 percent are
among persons aged twenty-one or younger.

HIV Transmission

The majority of HIV infections among adolescents
are contracted through sexual activity. Among HIV
positive thirteen to nineteen year-old females who
had not developed AIDS, 49 percent of the cases
were associated with exposure through sexual con-
tact, 7 percent through injection drug use, 1 percent
through blood exposure, and 43 percent through a
risk not reported or identified. Among males in the
same age group, 50 percent were associated with
male to male sex, 5 percent with injection drug use,
5 percent with both male to male sex and injection
drug use, 5 percent with hemophilia or coagulation
disorder, 7 percent with heterosexual exposure, 1
percent with blood exposure, and 28 percent with an
unreported or unidentified risk.

Many adolescents are sexually experienced, but
the extent of experience and risk varies for different
groups of adolescents. Youth Risk Behavior Survey
(YRBS) data indicate that about half of all high
school students report having engaged in intercourse
at least once. Almost 10 percent of youth were youn-
ger than age thirteen at first sexual intercourse, and
by twelfth grade, 65 percent of students have become

sexually active. Sexual risk increases with the num-
ber of partners and the failure to use condoms. In
the YRBS data, about 16 percent of high school stu-
dents report having had sex with four or more part-
ners; 48 percent of adolescent African-American
males report four or more sexual partners. Forty-
two percent of sexually active respondents did not
use a condom at last intercourse.

The presence of other sexually transmitted in-
fections (STIs) can also facilitate HIV transmission.
Adolescents and young adults are physiologically
and behaviorally at higher risk for acquiring STIs.
An estimated three million cases of STIs other than
HIV are acquired each year among persons between
ten and nineteen years old. Youth under the age of
twenty-five account for two-thirds of the total num-
ber of cases of STIs diagnosed annually. Rates of
chlamydia, gonorrhea, and human papillomavirus
are particularly high among sexually active female
teens. An individual’s risk is affected by STI preva-
lence among the pool of potential sex partners. Afri-
can-American and Hispanic teens, for example, are
disproportionately overrepresented among AIDS
cases and cases of other STIs. Given that sexual net-
works tend to be homogeneous by race, these youth
are more likely to face greater prevalence of HIV
among their sex partners.

Drug use also places young people at risk for
HIV. The most direct route is through sharing nee-
dles. Addicts may engage in sex with multiple part-
ners to obtain drugs or money to buy drugs, and
may thus increase the spread of infection to other-
wise low-risk individuals. Non-injected drugs may
also reduce inhibitions, influencing the individual to
engage in risky sexual activity. Studies show that
there are positive relationships between substance
use and various facets of sexual behavior, such as
timing of initiation, frequency, persistence, and risk
taking, for both adolescents and young adults. How-
ever, findings regarding this pathway are mixed and
may vary by race/ethnicity. For example, the link be-
tween substance use and sexual activity may be less
strong among African Americans. Alcohol con-
sumption has been linked to sexual risk taking
among white adolescents, but a more recent study
found that young women’s condom use patterns
were not linked to pre-coital substance use.

Pathways to HIV

Prevention

Longitudinal studies that follow high-risk youth into
adulthood provide a way for researchers to under-

2058 RISK BEHAVIORS: HIV/AIDS AND ITS IMPACT ON ADOLESCENTS

stand the developmental pathways of problem be-
havior. Greater involvement with problem behavior
as a youth is predictive of greater involvement in
young adulthood. However, problem behavior in
the teen years does not necessarily lead to poor adult
outcomes. For most adolescents, drug use and sexual
activity reflect behavior that is experimental and so-
cially normative. Longitudinal studies have shown
that a ‘‘maturing out’’ process typically occurs, par-
ticularly if the individual is embedded in conven-
tional institutions such as marriage.

Although most adolescents will grow out of
many risk behaviors, prevention efforts are needed
to reduce the risk of HIV infection during adoles-
cence. As has been found with other risk behaviors,
studies have demonstrated that knowledge about
risk is not sufficient for the prevention of HIV risk
behavior. This is not really surprising, given the vari-
ety of individual and contextual factors that contrib-
ute to motivation and the persistence of risk
behaviors into young adulthood. For example, sub-
stance abuse, suicidality, and depression in adoles-
cence are strong predictors of increasing or
maintaining HIV high risk behaviors in young adult-
hood. Other contributing factors are problems in re-
lationships with parents, friends’ misbehaviors,
stressful events, and neighborhood violence and un-
employment.

Given the complexity of factors that contribute
to risk behavior, prevention efforts that focus exclu-
sively on knowledge are unlikely to be successful.
However, there are effective school-based HIV pre-
vention programs, which typically rely on principles
of Social Cognitive (Learning) Theory. These princi-
ples include the use of experiential activities that
allow for the modeling and practicing of skills, and
the reinforcement of group norms against unpro-
tected sex. A focus on reducing sexual risk behaviors
and the use of trained motivated teachers enhance
program effectiveness. However, adolescents live
and learn in a variety of social contexts, and it is im-
portant to expand the scope of HIV prevention to
include contextual interventions. For example, con-
sistent adult monitoring can reduce opportunities
for risky behaviors, and religious involvement pro-
tects adolescents from premature sex and drug use
behaviors. Although they are currently very limited,
school-based or school-linked clinic services, such as
condom distribution and STI diagnosis and treat-
ment, can be another important strategy for preven-
tion.

See also: Guidance and Counseling, School;
Health Services; Out-of-School Influences
and Academic Success; Risk Behaviors, suben-
tries on Sexual Activity Among Teens and Teen
Pregnancy Trends, Sexually Transmitted Dis-
eases; Sexuality Education.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Bandura, Albert. 1986. Social Foundations of
Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Berman, Stuart M., and Hein, Karen. 1999. ‘‘Ad-
olescents and STDs.’’ In Sexually Transmitted
Diseases, 3rd edition, ed. King K. Holmes et al.
New York: McGraw-Hill.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
2000. ‘‘U.S. HIV and AIDS Cases Reported
through June 2000.’’ HIV/AIDS Surveillance Re-
port 12(1):1–44.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
2000. Be a Force for Change: Talk with Young
People About HIV. Washington, DC: U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
2000. ‘‘Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—
United States, 1999.’’ MMWR Morbidity and
Mortality Weekly Reports 49(5):1–96.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
HIV/AIDS Prevention Research Synthesis
Project. 1999. Compendium of HIV Prevention
Interventions with Evidence of Effectiveness. At-
lanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Pre-
vention.

Cooper, M. Lynne; Peirce, Robert S.; and Hu-
selid, Rebecca Farmer. 1994. ‘‘Substance Use
and Sexual Risk Taking among Black Adoles-
cents and White Adolescents.’’ Health Psycholo-
gy 13(3):251–262.

DiClemente, Ralph J. 1996. ‘‘Adolescents at Risk
for AIDS: AIDS Epidemiology, and Prevalence
and Incidence of HIV.’’ In Understanding and
Preventing HIV Risk Behavior: Safer Sex and
Drug Use, ed. Stuart Oskamp and Suzanne C.
Thompson. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publica-
tions.

DiClemente, Ralph J., and Wingood, Gina M.
2000. ‘‘Expanding the Scope of HIV Prevention
for Adolescents: Beyond Individual-Level Inter-
ventions.’’ Journal of Adolescent Health
26(6):377–378.

RISK BEHAVIORS: HIV/AIDS AND ITS IMPACT ON ADOLESCENTS 2059

Division of STD Prevention–Centers for Dis-
ease Control and Prevention. 2000. Sexual-
ly Transmitted Disease Surveillance, 1999.
Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention.

Duncan, Susan C.; Strycker, Lisa A.; and Dun-
can, Terry E. 1999. ‘‘Exploring Associations in
Developmental Trends in Adolescent Substance
Use and Risky Sexual Behavior in a High-Risk
Population.’’ Journal of Behavioral Medicine
22(1):21–34.

Fortenberry, J. Dennis, et al. 1997. ‘‘Sex under the
Influence: A Diary Self-Report Study of Sub-
stance Use and Sexual Behavior Among Adoles-
cent Women.’’ Sexually Transmitted Diseases
24(6):313–319.

Graves, Karen L., and Leigh, Barbara C. 1995.
‘‘The Relationship of Substance Use to Sexual
Activity among Young Adults in the United
States.’’ Family Planning Perspectives 27(1):18–
22, 33.

Hein, Karen, and Hurst, Marsha. 1988. ‘‘Human
Immunodeficiency Virus Infection in Adoles-
cence: A Rationale for Action.’’ Adolescent and
Pediatric Gynecology 1:73–82.

Hoyert, Donna L.; Kochanek, Kenneth D.; and
Murphy, Sherry L. 1999. ‘‘Deaths: Final Data
for 1997.’’ National Vital Statistics Reports
47(19):1–104.

Institute of Medicine—Committee on Preven-
tion and Control of Sexually Transmit-
ted Diseases. 1997. Hidden Epidemic:
Confronting Sexually Transmitted Diseases.
Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Jessor, Richard; Donovan, John Edward; and
Costa, Frances Marie. 1991. Beyond Adoles-
cence: Problem Behavior and Young Adult Devel-
opment. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Kirby, Douglas. 1999. ‘‘Sexuality and Sex Educa-
tion at Home and School.’’ Adolescent Medicine
10(2):195–209.

Lowry, Richard, et al. 1994. ‘‘Substance Use and
HIV-related Sexual Behaviors among U.S. High
School Students: Are They Related?’’ American
Journal of Public Health 84(7):1116–1120.

Resnick, Michael D., et al. 1997. ‘‘Protecting Ado-
lescents from Harm. Findings From the Nation-
al Longitudinal Study on Adolescent Health.’’
Journal of the American Medical Association
278(10):823–832.

Rotheram-Borus, Mary Jane, et al. 2000. ‘‘Pre-
vention of HIV Among Adolescents.’’ Preven-
tion Science 1(1):15–30.

Stanton, Bonita, et al. 1993. ‘‘Early Initiation of
Sex and Its Lack of Association with Risk Behav-
iors among Adolescent African-Americans.’’ Pe-
diatrics 92(1):13–19.

Stiffman, Arlene Rubin, et al. 1995. ‘‘Person and
Environment in HIV Risk Behavior Change be-
tween Adolescence and Young Adulthood.’’
Health Education Quarterly 22(2):211–226.

I N T E R N E T R E S O U R C E

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
2001. ‘‘Young People at Risk: HIV/AIDS Among
America’s Youth.’’ .

Denise Dion Hallfors
Carolyn Tucker Halpern
Bonita Iritani

SEXUAL ACTIVITY AMONG TEENS
AND TEEN PREGNANCY TRENDS

Adolescent sexuality is often viewed from a negative
perspective that focuses primarily on sexual behav-
ior and its association with other high-risk behav-
iors. Youth are sometimes negatively viewed as sex-
crazed, hormone-driven individuals who want the
perceived independence of adulthood without the
responsibility of adulthood. On the other hand, psy-
chosexual development is a critical developmental
process during adolescence. P. B. Koch has identified
the need for research identifying healthy psychosex-
ual development in adolescents. As children emerge
into adolescence, their developing gender identity
shapes whom they interact and associate with, espe-
cially peers. Negative media images that appear to
promote lustful, irresponsible sexual behavior are
often associated with early sexual activity among ad-
olescents. However, it is crucial to identify what pro-
tective factors can shape positive psychosexual
development, including delaying the onset of sexual
activity. Research has yet to identify gender-specific
strategies that can promote positive psychosexual
development in boys and girls.

Early Sexual Activity

Early sexual activity is a growing issue in adolescent
development. According to both the National Sur-

2060 RISK BEHAVIORS: SEXUAL ACTIVITY AMONG TEENS AND TEEN PREGNANCY TRENDS

vey of Family Growth and the Youth Risk Behavior
Survey, adolescents are engaging in sexual activity at
earlier ages. In general, older adolescents (age fifteen
and older) demonstrate a reduction in early sexual
activity, whereas adolescents younger than thirteen
demonstrate an increase in sexual activity. In addi-
tion, two-thirds of high school students report hav-
ing sex before graduating from high school. These
findings persist in the face of an apparent leveling off
of sexual activity in adolescents.

Peer pressure to engage in adult-like activities
can encourage adolescents to engage in various levels
of sexual experimentation. Adolescents who engage
in sexual experimentation are at increased risk for
sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDs,
and pregnancy. Moreover, risk for early sexual ex-
perimentation is associated with other high-risk be-
haviors in adolescence, including sexual abuse and
drug and alcohol use, and emotional adjustment.

In regard to puberty, early-maturing adoles-
cents are more likely to engage in early sexual experi-
mentation than are later-maturing adolescents. They
confront their emerging sexuality at younger ages
than their peers do, and are more likely to be pur-
sued by older peers in social settings because they
appear physically older than their chronological age.

For both male and female adolescents, adoles-
cence represents, in part, a time for pressure to en-
gage in sexual intimacy. As girls enter adolescence
(typically a few years before boys), they begin to
grow into womanhood and become sexualized ob-
jects. Within the media, images of sexuality and
overly thin body images can socialize girls into see-
ing themselves as sexual objects. On the other hand,
boys are pressured to exhibit their manhood
through sexual conquests.

Much of the research on early sexual activity in
adolescents does not address early patterns of non-
coital sexuality. Noncoital sexuality is defined as in-
volvement in sexual contact that does not include
the exchange of body fluids. Research suggests that
by middle adolescence most youths have begun to
engage in sexual experimentation, including kissing,
with 97 percent of adolescents experiencing their
first kiss by age fifteen. Understanding the onset of
noncoital sexuality and factors influencing its timing
is vital to delineating patterns of early sexual activity
in teenagers.

Adolescent condom use has increased for both
males and females. The decline in teenage pregnancy

is, in part, attributable to an increase in contracep-
tive use. However, since psychosexual development
is a new challenge faced during adolescence, some
youths are ill informed, and even though they may
choose to use contraceptives, they may use these
methods incorrectly.

Teenage Pregnancy

The association of early sexual activity with teenage
pregnancy has been a societal concern for decades.
For females, teenage pregnancy can complicate ado-
lescent development and contribute to a trouble-
some transition to young adulthood, which involves
a potential future as a single parent with limited edu-
cational and economic opportunities. Since the
1990s the overall teenage pregnancy rate has de-
clined, though, according to the National Campaign
to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, four out of ten girls still
get pregnant before their twentieth birthday. The
United States has the highest teen pregnancy, birth,
and abortion rates of any industrialized nation.

Teenage mothers are at risk for poverty and
school failure, while their offspring are at risk for low
birthweight, poor access to health care, poverty, and
early childhood developmental problems. Programs
such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children
(AFDC), which were created to support single par-
ent mothers, have been criticized as being an incen-
tive for the birth of children out of wedlock in poor
communities. Consequently, poor teen mothers
have sometimes been blamed for their circumstances
and negatively portrayed within the media and the
public arena. Yet the overall decline in teenage preg-
nancy has occurred across all ethnic groups, includ-
ing the poor ethnic minority groups that are most
likely to be demonized in the media as having exces-
sive teenage pregnancy rates.

A significant risk factor for early sexual experi-
mentation is a history of sexual trauma. This is true
for both males and females, though the level of risk
is increased for females. Adolescent girls who have
a history of sexual trauma during childhood and/or
adolescence may try to cope during their adolescent
years by being sexually provocative. This coping
mechanism is negative; however, victims of sexual
abuse may try to control future sexual encounters by
initiating sexual contact. This may influence the like-
lihood of their involvement in prostitution and
other sexually exploitative illegal activities.

Girls with a history of sexual trauma are also at
great risk for involvement in the juvenile justice sys-

RISK BEHAVIORS: SEXUAL ACTIVITY AMONG TEENS AND TEEN PREGNANCY TRENDS 2061

tem, particularly if they do not have supportive
home environments that allow them the opportuni-
ty to heal from their traumas. Girls within the juve-
nile justice system are likely to exhibit runaway
behaviors in an effort to get out of abusive home en-
vironments. Through these runaway patterns, some
girls are introduced to sexual exploitation in their ef-
fort to survive on the street. Boys who are victims of
sexual abuse are at risk for offending behaviors if
they lack supportive home environments, and they
are also at risk for involvement in the juvenile justice
system.

The use of alcohol and drugs reduces inhibi-
tions, and can therefore influence participation in
unprotected sexual activity. Boys and girls with a
history of smoking and alcohol use have an in-
creased risk for early sexual activity, in part because
the use of these substances can influence the decision
making of adolescents in social contexts.

Efforts to conduct sexuality education within
the home environment have been found to be insuf-
ficient. Parents need to provide supportive learning
environments in which children can develop a
healthy understanding of their sexuality, particularly
during their adolescent years. Adolescence repre-
sents a time of fundamental change, as adolescents
are introduced to new reproductive capacities that
have to be understood cognitively, socially, and
emotionally.

Pregnancy Prevention

Adolescents receive most of their information about
sexuality from peers, which often leads to misinfor-
mation. Adolescents need structured formal and in-
formal learning environments with age-appropriate
peers to address issues of sexuality. These program-
matic models may be available within school and
community-based settings. Most pregnancy preven-
tion programs fall within three categories: knowl-
edge interventions, access to contraception, and
programs to enhance life options. Lisa Crockett and
Joanne Chopack suggest three categories of pro-
grams: programs that focus on sexual antecedents,
programs that focus on nonsexual antecedents, and
programs that focus on a combination of both sexu-
al and nonsexual antecedents. Programs that focus
on sexual antecedents directly target sexual behavior
and often focus on reducing sexual activity, mini-
mizing the number of sexual partners, and contra-
ceptive use. Programs that focus on nonsexual
antecedents indirectly target sexual activity by focus-

ing on other outcomes, such as academic achieve-
ment, youth development (including leadership
skills), and service-learning models.

Joy Dryfoss has proposed the need for compre-
hensive health-promotion models as the best prac-
tice within sexuality education. This practice not
only seeks to minimize risk, but to provide leader-
ship and prosocial skills development to shape the
changing lives of young people. Scholars and activ-
ists continue to debate the usefulness of abstinence
versus education, including birth control strategies.
Abstinence-based models show mixed results when
rigorously researched, with a limited demonstrated
effect on sexual behavior. Many abstinence-only
proponents believe that birth control education in-
creases the likelihood of teen sexual activity; howev-
er, the evaluations do not support this notion. Sex
education models designed to support the psycho-
sexual development of adolescents have been exten-
sively debated, based on religious, moral, family, and
community values and attitudes. Educational sys-
tems have been permitted to provide abstinence-
based education to combat historically high teenage
pregnancy rates. Those that propose that birth con-
trol education should include life-skills development
assert that interventions need to be grounded in the
realities of those who are at greatest risk for prema-
ture sexual activity and associated negative conse-
quences.

Young people from poor, underserved, inner-
city communities are at risk for poor access to health
care, including health education, which increases
their risk of negative developmental outcomes relat-
ed to early sexuality activity. Programmatic efforts
need to take into account the social context of these
communities. Young people living in such an envi-
ronment particularly need increased life options
rooted in effective decision making, which may lead
to a delay in early sexual activity in the adolescent
years. According to Saul Hoffman, author of ‘‘Teen-
age Childbearing Is Not So Bad After All . . . Or Is
It? A Review of the New Literature,’’ teenage preg-
nancy prevention programs targeting teen mothers
in poor, underserved communities may yield indi-
rect effects in addition to reducing teen pregnancy.
These programs may represent pathways out of pov-
erty for these poor populations of teen mothers.

Within inner-city communities of color, pro-
gram models such as the I Have a Future program
founded by Dr. Henry Foster provide a supportive
learning community for youths residing in economi-

2062 RISK BEHAVIORS: SEXUAL ACTIVITY AMONG TEENS AND TEEN PREGNANCY TRENDS

cally deprived communities with high rates of multi-
generational teen pregnancy and sexually
transmitted diseases. Such families often remain
trapped in poverty, poor health care systems, and
economic deprivation. The I Have a Future model
provides comprehensive adolescent health services,
prosocial skills development, leadership develop-
ment, alcohol and drug education, gender and eth-
nic identity development, and academic support. In
addition, participants gain exposure to positive role
models within the supportive staff and through
community linkages to colleges and universities.
This program represents a mixed-gender context in
which both males and females adolescents can devel-
op positive decision-making skills regarding delayed
sexual activity, and it provides a promising frame-
work for effective interventions for high-risk youth.

Positive psychosexual development is important
in making a successful transition through adoles-
cence. Adolescents need safe opportunities to relate
to peers and develop meaningful attachments with-
out bringing harm to themselves. Psychosexual de-
velopment is shaped by media, family, community,
and peer contexts, and comprehensive strategies that
address these contexts are needed to fully support
adolescent development. Media literacy can be in-
corporated into intervention models in order to in-
crease understanding of gender stereotypes. Girls
must confront the overwhelming stereotypes of thin,
sexually provocative body images of females, where-
as males must confront macho images reinforcing
masculine control.

The Role of Parents

Parents need resources to support their vital role in
shaping the lives of adolescents. Families, and par-
ents in particular, need help in learning effective
ways of supporting their adolescent’s psychosexual
development. In the face of declining teenage preg-
nancy rates, it is imperative that research focus on
targeted evaluations of promising practices that can
influence positive developmental outcomes. Some
communities and individual programs are strapped
for funds to establish and maintain programming,
while evaluation goals are deferred because of limit-
ed funding. Academic communities can partner with
local communities and health promotion agencies to
assist in the development of rigorous research para-
digms that can increase knowledge of effective inter-
ventions that can be potentially replicated in other
communities.

In the face of community efforts to address
teenage pregnancy, some parents may be apprehen-
sive about other adults influencing their children re-
garding personal, sensitive issues. For parents who
feel comfortable and equipped in addressing these
issues with their children, the National Campaign to
Prevent Teen Pregnancy offers several tips for par-
ents, including being aware of their own personal
values and attitudes regarding sexuality and how
they want their children to be introduced to the sen-
sitive topic of sexuality. Effective parent–child com-
munication regarding love and intimacy, as well as
family rules and standards about teenage dating, can
provide needed support for adolescents who are
confronting the social and emotional challenges re-
lated to puberty. Parents are encouraged to intro-
duce the topic of sexuality and sex education early
in a child’s development. How early this occurs is
again influenced by the personal values and attitudes
of the parents. Parents can also assist as interpreters
of negative media images that foster inconsistent
and controversial attitudes toward early sexual activ-
ity and promiscuity.

In addition, parents are encouraged to become
knowledgeable about their children’s social contexts.
Monitoring children’s activities includes not only
knowing where one’s children are, but also who are
the friends and peer associates of one’s children. It
is also important to provide life options that provide
children with constructive, safe opportunities for
personal growth.

Other effective models of service include gen-
der-specific interventions that assist adolescents in
understanding positive manhood and womanhood
development. Through the development of positive
gender identity, adolescents can fully consider their
role in relationships with family, peers, and commu-
nity.

There has been some debate regarding gender-
specific versus mixed-gender programs to address
the issue of teenage pregnancy. Programs are en-
couraged to be intentional in their efforts to maxi-
mize opportunities for education and life-skills
development, whether in same-gender or mixed-
gender environments. Same-gender programs can
provide safe learning environments in which groups
can fully consider the challenges facing adolescents
to engage in early sexual activity. In particular, for
girls who may have been traumatized by males, it is
critical that they have opportunities to voice their
concerns and experiences without any perceived

RISK BEHAVIORS: SEXUAL ACTIVITY AMONG TEENS AND TEEN PREGNANCY TRENDS 2063

threat by male counterparts. On the other hand, in
the absence of trauma-related experiences, adoles-
cents may benefit from healthy, mixed-gender pro-
grams that focus on the shared responsibility of both
sexes in family planning. Otherwise, the burden for
safe sex, including contraceptive use, is often per-
ceived as the responsibility of the female. Even
though females are more likely to experience puber-
tal changes earlier than their male counterparts,
these females are not necessarily advanced in their
emotional maturity to the point that they can as-
sume sole responsibility for sexual behavior.

In order to address premature sexual activity
among teenagers effectively, comprehensive com-
munity strategies are needed to address the myriad
of issues involved and the diversity in social and
community contexts. In 2002, thirteen community
partnerships within eleven states were implementing
comprehensive youth preventive interventions to
combat teenage pregnancy. These partnerships dis-
tribute the responsibility for sexuality education
across the family, community, and school.

See also: Guidance and Counseling, School;
Health Services; Parenting; Out-of-School
Influences and Academic Success; Risk Behav-
iors, subentry on Sexually Transmitted Diseas-
es; Sexuality Education.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Crockett, Lisa, and Chopak, Joanne S. 1993.
‘‘Pregnancy Prevention in Early Adolescence: A
Developmental Perspective.’’ In Early Adoles-
cence: Perspectives on Research, Policy, and Inter-
vention, ed. Richard Lerner. Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.

Dryfoss, Joy. 1990. Adolescents at Risk: Prevalence
and Prevention. New York: Oxford University
Press.

Hoffman, Saul D. 1998. ‘‘Teenage Childbearing Is
Not So Bad After All . . . Or Is It? A Review of
New Literature.’’ Family Planning Perspectives
30(5):236–239, 243.

Kirby, Douglas. 2001. Emerging Answers: Research
Findings on Programs to Reduce Teen Pregnancy.
Washington, DC: National Campaign to Pre-
vent Teen Pregnancy.

Koch, P. B. 1993. ‘‘Promoting Healthy Sexual De-
velopment During Early Adolescence’’ In Early
Adolescence: Perspectives on Research, Policy, and

Intervention, ed. Richard Lerner. Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.

I N T E R N E T R E S O U R C E S

Advocates for Youth. 2002. ‘‘Adolescent Preg-
nancy and Childbearing.’’ .

National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnan-
cy. 2002. ‘‘Ten Tips for Parents to Help Their
Children Avoid Teen Pregnancy.’’ .

National Center for Chronic Disease and
Health Promotion. 2002. ‘‘Preventing Teen
Pregnancy.’’ .

Wertheimer, Richard, and Moore, Kristin.
2002. ‘‘Childbearing by Teens: Links to Welfare
Reform.’’ Urban Institute. .

Sheila Peters
SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES

Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are viral and
bacterial infections passed from one person to an-
other through sexual contact. In 1960 there were two
common STDs; by the beginning of the twenty-first
century, there were more than twenty-five. In 1980
alone, eight new STD pathogens were recognized in
the United States. In 1995 STDs accounted for 87
percent of cases reported among the top ten diseases
in the United States.

The Institute of Medicine coined the phrase
‘‘the hidden epidemic’’ to describe the problem of
STDs in the United States. STDs disproportionately
affect women and young people. In 1996 an estimat-
ed 15 million new cases of STDs occurred in the
United States, of which at least one-quarter were
among adolescents between the ages of fifteen and
nineteen. Adolescents are at a higher risk for con-
tracting sexually transmitted disease because of bio-
logical and behavioral factors.

Biological Factors

During each sexual encounter, women are at an in-
herently greater risk of acquiring an STD than men
are. Young women are especially vulnerable to infec-

2064 RISK BEHAVIORS: SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES

tion because of the increased amount of immature
ectopic tissue on the endocervix, which increases the
likelihood of acquiring certain STDs such as chlamy-
dia, gonorrhea, and HIV. Adolescent women also
have ‘‘immature’’ or unchallenged local immune
systems that make them more vulnerable to STD in-
fections. Most sexually transmitted diseases are
asymptomatic and go undiagnosed, further promot-
ing the spread of infection.

Behavioral Risk

Behavioral risk factors that predispose individuals to
STDs include age at initiation of sexual activity, hav-
ing multiple sexual partners or a partner with multi-
ple partners, use of barrier protection, and use of
diagnostic and treatment services. Furthermore, risk
of STDs may be compounded by additional socio-
economic factors, though this relationship is un-
clear. Many markers of STD risk (e.g., age, gender,
race/ethnicity) are associated with fundamental de-
terminants of risk status (e.g., access to health care,
residing in communities with high prevalence of
STDs) to influence adolescents’ risk for STDs. Since
the early 1980s the age of initiation of sexual activity
has steadily decreased and age at first marriage has
increased, resulting in increases in premarital sexual
experience among adolescent women and an in-
creasing number of women at risk. Multiple (se-
quential or concurrent) sexual partners rather than
a single, long-term relationship increases the likeli-
hood that a person may become infected. The Cen-
ters for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
showed that almost 45 percent of women who initi-
ated sexual activity before the age of sixteen had
more than five lifetime sexual partners. Among
women who delayed first sex until after the age of
twenty, however, only 15 percent had more than five
lifetime sexual partners. Of women who delayed
their first sexual activity until after the age of twenty,
close to 52 percent had only one lifetime sexual part-
ner, compared with about 19 percent of women who
had initiated sex before the age of sixteen. The risk
of STDs increases with the total number of lifetime
sexual partners, whether over a short time period or
spread over a life course.

In addition to having more than one sexual
partner, adolescents may be more likely to engage in
unprotected intercourse or engage in high-risk sexu-
al activities such as anal sex. They may also select
partners at higher risk. For example, young women
are more likely than women in other age groups to

choose a partner who is older than themselves. Addi-
tionally, oral sex and mutual masturbation may also
lead to the spread of infection and should be consid-
ered risky activities.

Studies have shown that adolescents who are in-
volved in one risky behavior are more likely to be in-
volved in others. Adolescent boys and girls who have
had sex are also more likely to drink alcohol, take
drugs, and smoke cigarettes than adolescents who
have not had sex. A quarter of adolescents inter-
viewed reported that they were under the influence
of drugs or alcohol when they last engaged in sexual
intercourse. There is evidence that young people
who avoided risky behavior had positive influences
in their lives, such as a strong relationship with their
parents.

The high prevalence of STDs among adolescents
may also reflect multiple barriers to quality STD pre-
vention services. Adolescents may lack insurance or
the ability to pay for such services. They may lack
transportation to reach an adequate facility. Addi-
tionally, they may feel uncomfortable in facilities
and with services designed for adults. Adolescents
may also be concerned about the confidentiality of
their visits. Most studies following adolescents who
have been diagnosed and treated for STDs by health
care providers show a high incidence of reinfection
at follow-up visits.

Prevalent Bacterial STDs

The most prevalent bacterial STDs are gonorrhea
and chlamydia. Ongoing surveys of women in clinic
settings has shown that adolescent women consis-
tently have higher rates of chlamydia infection when
compared to other age groups. In 2000 women aged
fifteen to nineteen years old had the highest rates of
chlamydia infection among all women even when
overall prevalence declined. Chlamydia rates are low
among men. Though the rates of gonorrhea de-
creased among adolescent women ages ten to nine-
teen years between 1996 and 2000, in 2000 the
highest age-specific gonorrhea rates were among
women in the fifteen- to nineteen-year-old age
group. Adolescent men ages fifteen to nineteen years
had the third-highest rates of gonorrhea when com-
pared to other age groups of men.

Prevalent Viral STDs

Genital herpes simplex virus (HSV-2) and human
papillomavirus (HPV) are prevalent among sexually
experienced adolescents. Furthermore, infection

RISK BEHAVIORS: SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES 2065

with HSV-2, HPV, or HIV may result in negative re-
productive morbidity, including neonatal transmis-
sion of these infections, cervical and genital cancer,
and even premature death. As of yet, there are no ef-
fective cures for these viral infections.

Studies indicate that one in six Americans is in-
fected with HSV-2, reflecting a ninefold increase
since the early 1970s. An estimated 4 percent of Cau-
casians and 17 percent of African Americans are in-
fected with HSV-2 by the end of their teenage years.
One study of low-income pregnant women found an
HSV-2 infection rate as high as 11 percent in women
fifteen to nineteen years of age and 22 percent in
women twenty-five to twenty-nine years of age.

Based on data from twenty-five states with inte-
grated HIV and AIDS reporting systems, the CDC
reported that for the period from January 1996 to
June 1999 young people (aged thirteen to twenty-
four) accounted for a much greater proportion of
HIV (13%) than AIDS cases (3%). Though the num-
ber of new AIDS cases diagnosed during the period
declined, no decline was observed in the number of
newly diagnosed HIV cases among youth. Because
progression from HIV infection to AIDS may be on
the order of years, the reported number of AIDS
cases may not reflect the actual rate of HIV infection
among adolescents. At least half of all new HIV in-
fections in the United States are among people
under age twenty-five, and the majority of young
people are infected sexually. In 1999 there were
29,629 cumulative cases of AIDS among those aged
thirteen to twenty-four years. The CDC further re-
ported that in 1999, of the cases of AIDS in young
men aged thirteen to twenty-four years, 50 percent
were among men who have sex with men; 8 percent
were among injection drug users; and 8 percent were
among young men infected heterosexually. Among
young women aged thirteen to twenty-four years, 47
percent of cases reported were acquired heterosexu-
ally and 11 percent were acquired through injection
drug use.

Impact

STDs prevent adolescents from leading healthy lives.
They lead to declines in school performance, in-
creased poverty, and higher crime rates. The finan-
cial cost of STDs runs in the billions each year. As
a consequence of STDs, many adolescents experi-
ence serious health problems that often alter the
course of their adult lives, including infertility, diffi-

cult pregnancy, genital and cervical cancer, neonatal
transmission of infections, and AIDS.

See also: Guidance and Counseling, School;
Health Services; Out-of-School Influences
and Academic Success; Risk Behaviors, suben-
tries on HIV/AIDS and its Impact on Adoles-
cents, Sexual Activity Among Teens and Teen
Pregnancy Trends; Sexuality Education.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Kagan, Jerome, and Gall, Susan B., eds. 1998. The
Gale Encyclopedia of Childhood and Adolescence.
Detroit: Gale.

McIlhaney, J. S., Jr. 2000. ‘‘Sexually Transmitted
Infection and Teenage Sexuality.’’ American
Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology 183:334–
339.

I N T E R N E T R E S O U R C E S

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
National Center for HIV, STD and TB Pre-
vention. Division of Sexually Transmitted
Diseases. 2002. ‘‘STDs in Adolescents and
Young Adults: STD Surveillance, Special Focus
Profiles.’’ .

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
National Center for HIV, STD and TB Pre-
vention. Division of Sexually Transmitted
Diseases. 2002. ‘‘STD Surveillance 2000.’’
.

Angela Huang

SMOKING AND ITS EFFECT ON
CHILDREN’S HEALTH

The impact of tobacco use in the United States and
worldwide is staggering. According to the World
Health Organization, 1.1 billion people worldwide
regularly smoke tobacco products, and smoking ac-
counts for 10,000 deaths per day. In 1990 there were
418,000 deaths in the United States alone attributed
to smoking and its effects. Smoking kills two and
one-half times more people than alcohol and drug
use combined. In the United States 25 percent of the
population regularly uses tobacco, with 6,000 new
adolescent smokers each day—half of whom will go
on to be regular smokers. Every day more than 15

2066 RISK BEHAVIORS: SMOKING AND ITS EFFECT ON CHILDREN’S HEALTH

million children are exposed to smoke in their
homes. Environmental tobacco smoke (ETS), also
known as ‘‘second hand smoke,’’ poses significant
risks to children. The United States Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA) has classified ETS as a class
A carcinogen, which means that ETS is known to
cause cancer in humans. Exposure to ETS before the
age of ten will increase a child’s chances of develop-
ing lymphoma and leukemia (i.e., cancers of the
blood) as an adult. The effects of ETS are actually
worse than those acquired from smoking cigarettes
directly.

Pregnancy/Perinatal/SIDS

It has been estimated that 19 percent to 27 percent
of pregnant women smoke during their pregnancy.
The pregnant woman who smokes not only affects
her own health, but she harms the baby she is carry-
ing as well. A major risk of smoking during pregnan-
cy is the increased rate of premature delivery of the
baby. Infants who are born prematurely can have
many severe medical problems, including lung im-
maturity and brain injury. Maternal smoking con-
tributes to 5 percent of all perinatal deaths (i.e.,
2,800 deaths per year). Pregnant women who smoke
are at a greater risk of miscarriage and low-birth-
weight infants, as well as higher rates of long-term
behavioral and mental problems in her child. Infants
born to mothers who smoked during pregnancy
have a much higher rate of Sudden Infant Death
Syndrome (SIDS) than infants born to mothers who
did not smoke during pregnancy. There is a dose-
dependent relationship between ETS exposure dur-
ing pregnancy and the rate of SIDS: The greater the
exposure of cigarette smoke to an unborn baby, the
higher their risk of SIDS. Cigarette smoke exposure
is one of the few preventable risk factors for SIDS.

Newborn infants are in a unique situation when
it comes to exposure to their mothers’ smoke. Coti-
nine, a metabolite of nicotine, is found in newborn
babies’ blood at levels almost equivalent to their
mothers’. There are significant levels of cotinine in
a newborn’s blood even if the mother herself does
not smoke, but simply lives in a household where
there is ETS exposure. There is a direct relationship
between the maternal and newborn infant’s blood
levels of cigarette smoke products. The mother who
smokes during pregnancy transfers the products in
cigarette smoke to the fetus through the placenta, as
well as to the newborn infant though breast-feeding.
In fact, breast-fed infants have the same urinary coti-
nine levels as active adult smokers.

Childhood Diseases

The risks of ETS are not simply restricted to the new-
born infant. There are many childhood illnesses that
are dramatically worsened by exposure to smoke. A
1994 study by Joan Cunningham and colleagues
showed that there was an increased risk of colds,
wheezing, shortness-of-breath, and emergency room
visits by children living in households where there
is a smoker. There is also a significant increase is the
risk of ear infections in children who live in house-
holds where there are smokers. Children born to
mothers who smoke have a higher risk of developing
asthma. Along with an increased risk of asthma, chil-
dren of mothers who smoked during pregnancy will
be at a greater risk of have problems with environ-
mental allergies (e.g., hay fever). These effects can be
seen in newborn infants as well as school-aged chil-
dren.

Adolescence

Between 4 million and 5 million adolescents in the
United States smoke daily. Each year more than 1
million people under eighteen years of age become
daily smokers. Ninety percent of adults who regular-
ly smoke began smoking before they were nineteen
years of age. Throughout the 1990s the age at which
children began smoking became increasingly youn-
ger. In 1990, 31 percent of all twelfth graders report-
ed recent (within the last month) tobacco use while
21 percent were daily smokers. Shockingly, 8 percent
of all eighth graders reported daily tobacco use. By
the end of the 1990s the percentages of twelfth and
eighth graders who recently used cigarettes was up
to 36 percent and 21 percent, respectively. The
younger and younger beginning smoker is reflected
in the higher percentage of adolescent smokers as
compared to the adult population. Besides the nega-
tive health effects of smoking itself, adolescents who
smoke are fifteen times more likely to use drugs than
their peers who do not smoke.

There are many reasons why a child or adoles-
cent will begin to smoke. The most common influ-
ence is family and peer pressures, but the most
potent factor is the media portrayal of ‘‘glamorous’’
smoking. The top three most popular brands of ciga-
rettes amongst adolescents were the top three com-
panies that spent the most on advertising. In 1993
these companies collectively spent $153 million dol-
lars on advertising. Many popular sporting events
are still sponsored by tobacco companies, and there
is some evidence that advertising had been directed

RISK BEHAVIORS: SMOKING AND ITS EFFECT ON CHILDREN’S HEALTH 2067

toward recruiting new child or adolescent smokers.
To combat the draw of the media for adolescents to
begin smoking, the Centers for Diseases Control and
Prevention (CDC) began, in the fall of 2000, the Sur-
geon General’s Report for Kids on Smoking. This was
an attempt to enlist celebrities and sports figures to
promote an antismoking message to young people.
It involves posters and media advertisements direct-
ed toward children and adolescents, informing them
of the health damages caused by cigarette smoking.

Costs

The true cost of smoking is incalculable, but there
are some very practical measures that can be seen.
In 1997 American children made more than 500,000
doctor visits for asthma, and 1.3 million visits for
cough that were directly attributed to smoke expo-
sure. This does not include the 115,000 cases of
pneumonia, 260,000 cases of bronchitis, and more
than two million ear infections. The annual cost of
ear infections in children in the United States caused
by smoke exposure is $1.5 billion. The actual total
financial costs, directly related to the exposure of
American children to ETS, are broken into direct
medical costs and the loss of life costs. In 1997 the
total medical cost of the complications of cigarette
smoke on American children was $4.6 billion. The
loss of life cost (calculated based upon loss of earn-
ings and costs needed to prevent disease) was $8.2
billion. The true cost of cigarette smoking, however,
is in the impact smoking has on the health of infants
and children.

See also: Guidance and Counseling, School;
Health Education; Health Services; Out-of-
School Influences and Academic Success; Risk
Behaviors, subentry on Sexual Activity Among
Teens and Teen Pregnancy Trends.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Aligne, C. Andrew, and Stoddard, Jeffrey J.
1997. ‘‘Tobacco and Children: An Economic
Evaluation of the Medical Effects of Parental
Smoking’’ Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent
Medicine 171(7):648–653.

American Academy of Pediatrics Committee
on Substance Abuse. 2001. ‘‘Tobacco’s Toll:
Implications for the Pediatrician.’’ Pediatrics
107:794–798.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
1997. ‘‘State-Specific Prevalence of Cigarette

Smoking among Adults, and Children’s and Ad-
olescents’ Exposure to Environmental Tobacco
Smoke—United States, 1996.’’ Morbidity and
Mortality Weekly Reports 46:1038–1043.

Cunningham, Joan, et al. 1994. ‘‘Environmental
Tobacco Smoke, Wheezing, and Asthma in
Children in Twenty-Four Mothers.’’ American
Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine
86:1398–1402.

DiFranza, Joseph R., and Lew, Robert A. 1997.
‘‘Morbidity and Mortality in Children Associat-
ed with the Use of Tobacco Products by Other
People.’’ Pediatrics 97:560–568.

Joad, Jesse. 2000. ‘‘Smoking and Pediatric Respira-
tory Health.’’ Clinics in Chest Medicine
21(1):37–46.

Christopher S. Greeley
SUICIDE

School-age children can engage in many behaviors
of concern to adults as a function of their develop-
ment as well as the changing culture and environ-
ments in which they live. Perhaps the most
concerning and baffling of these risk behaviors are
the tendencies in some to consider ending their own
lives at so young an age. Why children and adoles-
cents consider these self-destructive actions is a
complicated puzzle to understand and solve. Such
behaviors must be considered in light of young peo-
ple’s vulnerability to external models, their increased
anxiety related to issues of social acceptance, their
desire to develop a unique identity, and the existence
of unstable and abusive families.

In 1999 the surgeon general of the United States,
David Satcher, issued a call to action to prevent sui-
cide. Satcher noted the continuing increase in sui-
cide rates among the young, with the rate tripling
from 1952 to 1996. He stated that Americans under
the age of twenty-five accounted for 15 percent of all
completed suicides and that risk factors for suicide
attempts among the young included depression, al-
cohol or drug use disorders, and aggressive and dis-
ruptive behaviors. Suicide was not just a mental
health problem but a public health problem as well.

Occurrence

Suicide rates for children and adolescents are regu-
larly reported by the National Center for Health Sta-

2068 RISK BEHAVIORS: SUICIDE

tistics in the U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services. These reports count only those for whom
suicide is listed as the cause of death. For this reason
it is believed that suicides may be underreported.
Those who sign death certificates (family physicians,
emergency room staff, and medical examiners) may
not always list the cause of death as intentional in
order to avoid stigma for the family or because evi-
dence of suicide may not be immediately present. It
is suspected that vehicular accidents and deaths re-
lated to substance abuse, for instance, may in some
cases be suicides, but they may not be recorded as
such.

A review of statistics regarding rates of suicide
reveal a number of facts. For those aged fifteen to
twenty-four, suicide stands as the third-leading
cause of death behind accidents and homicides. As
of 1996, the rate of suicide deaths for Americans
aged ten to fourteen was 1.6 deaths per 100,000 pop-
ulation (2.3 per 100,000 for males and 0.8 per
100,000 for females). For fifteen- to nineteen-year-
olds the rate was 9.7 deaths per 100,000 (15.6 per
100,000 for males and 3.5 per 100,000 for females),
and for those aged twenty to twenty-four the rate
was 14.5 deaths per 100,000 (24.8 per 100,000 for
males and 3.7 per 100,000 for females). Young males
(aged fifteen to nineteen) are more likely to succeed
at killing themselves than females by a ratio of at
least five to one. Reports from the surgeon general
also suggest that gay and lesbian youth may be two
to three times more likely to commit suicide. Al-
though accomplished suicide rates were highest for
white males, young African American males showed
the greatest increase during the 1980s and 1990s.
White females had the next highest rates, followed
by African-American females. Research on Hispanic
populations indicated that rates of suicide in young
men and women may be higher than for whites.

Suicides can be completed using a variety of
means. Nearly 63 percent of suicides occur using
firearms. Most other deaths are a result of more pas-
sive means such as drug poisonings or hangings. Sui-
cide attempts are less likely to involve firearms and
may, therefore, provide opportunities for discovery
and rescue.

In addition to completed or accomplished sui-
cides, many young people attempt suicide. Accurate
rates for this group of attempted suicides, often
called parasuicides, are even more difficult to obtain.
Hospitals and emergency rooms may identify at-
tempters, but many parasuicides go completely un-

detected or are confided only to the closest of
friends. Possible ratios of attempts to completions
may range from 10:1 to 150:1, depending upon the
research and the definition of attempts. The contin-
uum of suicidal behaviors, which includes actual sui-
cide on one end and attempted suicides in the
middle, includes on the other end the least severe
form of self-destructiveness, usually identified as
suicidal ideation or intent. The idea of killing oneself
may occur quite frequently in young people, but it
becomes serious only when there is intent to actually
act. Such suicidal intent often includes a plan and a
timetable in the person’s mind.

Risk Factors

Many factors have been examined as contributors to
the likelihood that a school-age child will become
suicidal. Some factors appear to be historical or situ-
ational whereas others are psychological. A large
percentage (perhaps as high as 90 percent) of those
who are victims of suicide have diagnosable psychi-
atric disorders at the time of death. Many suffer
from mood disorders, and a large percentage have
made previous suicide attempts. Risk factors may in-
clude: psychiatric disorder, previous suicide attempt,
co-occurring drug use and mental disorder, family
history of suicide, impulsive or aggressive tenden-
cies, feelings of hopelessness, loss of significant rela-
tionship, loss of job, physical illness, stress, lack of
access to mental health treatment, availability of le-
thal means (e.g., guns or drugs), feelings of isolation
and alienation, influence of peers or family mem-
bers, unwillingness to seek help, cultural or religious
beliefs or traditions, influence of the media, current
epidemics of suicidal behaviors, and being a victim
of bullying.

In the case of children and adolescents, two
major themes related to increased risk for suicide are
fears of humiliation by others and feelings of invisi-
bility. Additional themes may also include general
levels of stress, breakdown of psychological defenses,
self-deprecatory thoughts, and a negative personal
history.

Protective Factors

Just as some factors seem to increase the incidence
of self-destructive suicidal intent, so also there ap-
pear to be conditions that make these thoughts and
behaviors less likely. Such circumstances or charac-
teristics are considered to be protective. Among
those cited by the surgeon general in 1999 were: ef-

RISK BEHAVIORS: SUICIDE 2069

fective and appropriate clinical care; access to treat-
ment and support for seeking help; restricted access
to lethal means; family and community support; on-
going medical and mental health care relationships;
learned skills in problem solving, conflict resolution
and nonviolent dispute management; and a belief
system, either cultural or religious in nature, that
discourages suicide. Skills in anger management, im-
pulse control, and appropriate action in the face of
victimization have been also cited as protective fac-
tors.

Warning Signs

The warning signs of imminent suicidal behaviors
can appear in many forms. They can be verbal, spo-
ken to others; written as poems, songs, diary entries,
or suicide notes; or made as threats directly (‘‘I am
going to kill myself’’) or indirectly (‘‘You won’t have
me to kick around anymore’’). Other warning signs
include social withdrawal, getting things in order,
giving things away, constant crying, or an angry or
hostile attitude. Some signs occur in the person’s en-
vironment, such as the death of someone close, fam-
ily problems, or failure in school or at work. Lastly,
some signs are those characteristic of depression or
general mental and emotional difficulties. These lat-
ter signs might include sleep disturbance, feelings of
despair, appetite change, or radical and abrupt
changes in behavior or personality.

Formulation of the Problem

According to Jerry Jacobs, writing in 1971, early re-
search into suicide examined five major stages seen
in suicidal children. These included a history of
problems, an escalation of problems, the failure of
coping, the experience of helplessness, and finally, a
justification for taking a self-destructive action. Al-
though these stages may be present, in many cases
adults do not observe them, but rather they are
shared with peers. Adults may merely see the final
behaviors.

It is important to realize that suicidal behavior
can best be seen not as a disease (although it may in
some cases be the manifestation of one), but rather
as a symptom with many different possible underly-
ing causes. Just as a headache could be caused by
many things, so the action to end one’s own life can
be a result of any number of causes: depression or
other mental illness, stress, grief or loss, unresolved
conflict, substance use, unexpressed anger or rage,
social pressure, lack of problem-solving or conflict

resolution skills, hopelessness or frustration, chronic
victimization, a desire for visibility or respect, the
need to avoid humiliation, or the desire to be no-
ticed.

Prevention

The best strategies for the prevention of suicide are
those that reduce the number of risk factors and in-
crease protective factors. This means making re-
sources available to families and schools to aid in
this process. In some cases early intervention is
needed. Prevention or primary interventions need
to: develop strategies for detecting suicidal individu-
als, treat all threats seriously, educate those who
work with kids about suicide, increase peer educa-
tion about suicide, teach families and communities
to look for warning signs, reduce the availability of
lethal means, make twenty-four-hour hotlines avail-
able, and use the media to teach the public how to
recognize those at risk.

Finally, it must be acknowledged that the prob-
lem of self-destructive behavior affects everyone.
Parents, schools, and communities must make a
commitment to work to end this behavior and its
causes.

See also: Guidance and Counseling, School;
Mental Health Services and Children; Par-
enting; Out-of-School Influences and Aca-
demic Success.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Berman, Alan L., and Jobes, David A. 1991. Ado-
lescent Suicide: Assessment and Intervention.
Washington, DC: American Psychological Asso-
ciation.

Fremouw, William J.; de Perczel, Maria; and
Ellis, Thomas E. 1990. Suicide Risk: Assessment
and Response Guidelines. New York: Pergamon
Press.

Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry.
1996. Adolescent Suicide. Washington, DC:
American Psychiatric Press.

Jacobs, J. 1971. Adolescent Suicide. New York:
Wiley.

Peters, Kimberly D.; Kochanek, Kenneth D.;
and Murphy, Sherry L. 1998. ‘‘Deaths: Final
Data for 1996.’’ National Vital Statistics Reports
47(9). Hyattsville, MD: National Center for
Health Statistics.

2070 RISK BEHAVIORS: SUICIDE

Robbins, Paul R. 1998. Adolescent Suicide. Jeffer-
son, NC: McFarland.

Shaffer, David, and Craft, Leslie. 1999. ‘‘Meth-
ods of Adolescent Suicide Prevention.’’ Journal
of Clinical Psychiatry 60(suppl. 2):70–74.

Sheras, Peter L. 2001. ‘‘Depression and Suicide in
Adolescence.’’ In The Handbook of Clinical
Child Psychology, 3rd edition, ed. Eugene Walk-
er and Michael Roberts. New York: Wiley.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Ser-
vices, National Center for Health Statis-
tics. 1998. Vital Statistics of the United States.
Hyattsville, MD: U.S. Public Health Service.

U.S. Public Health Service. 1999. The Surgeon
General’s Call to Action to Prevent Suicide.
Washington, DC: U.S. Public Health Service.

Peter L. Sheras
TEEN PREGNANCY

In the United States, teen pregnancy is an important
problem. In 1997, the last year for which accurate es-
timates are available, about 896,000 young women
under the age of twenty became pregnant. Among
women aged fifteen to nineteen, 94 per 1,000 (or
about 9%) became pregnant. This rate is much
higher than that in other Western industrialized
countries. In addition, according to a 1997 publica-
tion of the National Campaign to Prevent Teen
Pregnancy, more than 40 percent of young women
in the United States become pregnant one or more
times before they reach twenty years of age.

The U.S. pregnancy rate is higher for females
aged eighteen and nineteen (142 per 1,000) than for
females fifteen to seventeen (64 per 1000). It is also
higher for African Americans (170 per 1,000) and
Hispanics (149 per 1,000) than for non-Hispanic
whites (65 per 1,000). Much of this ethnic variation,
however, reflects differences in poverty and oppor-
tunity.

On the positive side, the 1997 teen pregnancy
rate in the United States was the lowest pregnancy
rate since it was first measured in the early 1970s.
The rate fluctuated considerably over the course of
the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, however, reflecting
both changing percentages of youth who have sex
and improved use of contraception among those
having sex.

While the teenage pregnancy rate is, by defini-
tion, based upon female teenagers, this does not

mean that all the males involved in these pregnancies
are teenagers. Indeed, in 1994, whereas 11 percent
of fifteen- to nineteen-year-old females became
pregnant, only 5 percent of fifteen- to nineteen-year-
old males caused a pregnancy.

About four-fifths of teen pregnancies are unin-
tended. Accordingly, in 1997, 15 percent of all teen
pregnancies ended in miscarriages, 29 percent ended
in legal abortions, and 55 percent ended in births.

Among mothers under the age twenty, the per-
centage of births that occur out of wedlock has risen
dramatically—from 15 percent in 1960 to 79 percent
in 2000. This large increase in and high rate of non-
marital childbearing has alarmed many people and
motivated many efforts to reduce teenage preg-
nancy.

Consequences of Teen Childbearing

According to a 1996 report written by Rebecca A.
Maynard, when teenagers, especially younger teen-
agers, give birth, their future prospects decline on a
number of dimensions. Teenage mothers are less
likely to complete school, more likely to have large
families, and more likely to be single parents. They
work as much as women who delay childbearing for
several years, but their earnings must provide for a
larger number of children.

It is the children of teenage mothers, however,
who may bear the greatest brunt of their mothers’
young age. In comparison with those born to moth-
ers aged twenty or twenty-one, children born to
mothers aged fifteen to seventeen tend to have less
supportive and stimulating home environments,
poorer health, lower cognitive development, worse
educational outcomes, higher rates of behavior
problems, and higher rates of adolescent childbear-
ing themselves.

Although the greatest costs are to the families
directly involved, adolescent childbearing leads to
considerable cost to taxpayers and society more gen-
erally. Estimates of these costs are in the billions.

Adolescent Sexual and Contraceptive Behavior

Obviously, teens become pregnant because they have
sex without effectively using contraception. In the
United States, the proportion of teens who have ever
had sexual intercourse increases steadily with age. In
1995, among girls, the percentage increased from 25
percent among fifteen-year-olds to 77 percent
among nineteen-year-olds, while among males it in-

RISK BEHAVIORS: TEEN PREGNANCY 2071

creased from 27 percent among fifteen-year-olds to
85 percent among nineteen-year-olds. Among stu-
dents in grades nine through twelve across the Unit-
ed States in 1999, 50 percent reported sexual
experience.

Most sexually experienced teenagers use contra-
ception at least part of the time. Condoms and oral
contraceptives are the two most common methods,
but small and increasing percentages of teens use
long-lasting contraceptives such as Depo-Provera or
Norplant. Like some adults, however, many sexually
active teenagers do not use contraceptives consis-
tently and properly, thereby exposing themselves to
risks of pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases
(STDs).

Factors Associated with Sexual Risk-Taking and
Pregnancy

While nearly all youth are at risk of engaging in sex
and thus girls becoming pregnant, many risk and
protective factors distinguish between youth who
engage in unprotected sex and sometimes become
pregnant and those who do not. For example, when
teens have permissive attitudes toward premarital
sex, lack confidence to avoid sex or to use contracep-
tion consistently, lack adequate knowledge about
contraception, have negative attitudes toward con-
traception, and are ambivalent about pregnancy and
childbearing, then they are more likely to engage in
sex without contraception.

Other more indirect environmental factors,
however, also affect teen sexual risk-taking, either by
decreasing motivation to avoid sex or through other
mechanisms. For example, teens are more likely to
engage in unprotected sex and become pregnant (1)
when they live in communities with lower levels of
education, employment, and income and thereby
have fewer opportunities and encouragement for ad-
vanced education and careers; (2) when their par-
ents also have low levels of education and income;
(3) when they live with only one or neither biologi-
cal parent and believe they have little parental sup-
port; (4) when they feel disconnected from their
parents or are inappropriately supervised or moni-
tored by their parents; (5) when they have friends
who obtain poor grades and engage in nonnorma-
tive behaviors; and (6) when they believe their peers
are having sex and are failing to use contraceptives
consistently.

Furthermore, teens are more likely to engage in
sex when they, themselves, (1) do poorly in school

and lack plans for higher education; (2) use alcohol
and drugs, engage in other problem or risk-taking
behaviors, and are depressed; (3) begin dating at an
early age, go steady at an early age, have a large num-
ber of romantic partners, or have a romantic partner
three or more years older (the latter being a particu-
larly telling factor); or (4) were previously sexually
abused. These individual and environmental, sexual
and nonsexual, risk and protective factors are the
factors that programs try to change when they at-
tempt to reduce teen sexual risk-taking and preg-
nancy.

Family Planning Services

The efforts most directly involved with preventing
pregnancy among sexually experienced teens are
family planning services. The primary objectives of
family planning clinics or family planning services
within other health settings are to provide contra-
ception and other reproductive health services and
to provide patients with the knowledge and skills to
use their selected methods of contraception.

Large numbers of sexually active female teen-
agers obtain family planning services each year.
Many of these young women receive oral contracep-
tives and to a lesser extent other contraceptives that
are more effective than condoms or other non-
prescription contraceptives. Accordingly, these fam-
ily planning services prevent large numbers of
adolescent pregnancies.

In addition to those practicing at family plan-
ning clinics, some clinicians in health clinics also
focus upon the adolescent’s sexual behavior. Several
studies have found that these visits can increase con-
traceptive use when clinicians spend more time fo-
cusing upon the teen patients’ sexual behavior; give
a clear message about always using protection
against pregnancy and STDs; show videos or provide
pamphlets and other materials; discuss patients’ bar-
riers to avoiding sex or using contraception; and
model ways to avoid sex or use condoms or contra-
ception.

Sex and HIV Education Programs

To reduce teen pregnancy and also STDs, including
HIV, most schools have implemented sex and HIV
education programs. Typically, these programs em-
phasize that abstinence is the safest method of avoid-
ing pregnancy and STD, but they also encourage
condom and contraceptive use if teens do have sex.
Contrary to the fears of some people, a large number

2072 RISK BEHAVIORS: TEEN PREGNANCY

of studies have demonstrated that these programs do
not have negative behavioral effects, such as increas-
ing sexual behavior. To the contrary, many studies
have demonstrated that some, but not all of these
programs, delay the initiation of sex, decrease the
frequency of sex, and increase the use of contracep-
tion once youth have sex. They thereby reduce risk
of pregnancy, as well as STD. Some sex and HIV ed-
ucation programs have been found to be effective in
multiple states in the country, and some have found
positive behavioral effects for almost three years.

Programs that are short and that focus upon
knowledge increase knowledge, but they tend not to
change behavior. In contrast, programs that effec-
tively reduce sexual risk-taking (1) focus on chang-
ing specific sexual or contraceptive behaviors; (2) are
based on health theories that specify the risk and
protective factors to be addressed by the program;
(3) give a clear message about avoiding unprotected
sex; (4) provide basic, accurate information about
the risks of teen sexual activity and about methods
of avoiding intercourse or using contraception; (5)
address social pressures that influence sexual behav-
ior; (6) provide modeling and practice of communi-
cation, negotiation, and refusal skills; (7) employ a
variety of teaching methods designed to involve the
participants and help them personalize the informa-
tion; (8) are appropriate to the age, sexual experi-
ence, and culture of the participants; (9) last a
sufficient length of time to complete important ac-
tivities adequately; and (10) select teachers or peer
leaders who believe in the program they are imple-
menting and then provide them with training.

Many people have proposed abstinence-only
programs as a solution to reducing teen pregnancy
and STDs. Such programs emphasize that abstinence
is the only acceptable method of avoiding pregnan-
cy, and they either fail to discuss contraception or
emphasis its limitations. Although some abstinence-
only programs might delay sex, there is thus far sim-
ply too little research to know which abstinence-only
programs are effective.

In an effort to reduce teen pregnancy and STDs,
including HIV, hundreds of high schools have made
condoms available or have opened school-based
health centers that provide reproductive health ser-
vices. Although studies have demonstrated that these
services do not increase teen sexual behavior, they
have also found inconsistent results on improved
contraceptive use.

Service-Learning Programs

Whereas the programs summarized above focus pri-
marily on changing the sexual risk factors of adoles-
cent sexual behavior, some programs focus primarily
on the nonsexual risk and protective factors. In 1997
researchers Joseph P. Allen and associates found the
strongest evidence for teen pregnancy reduction for
one type of program, service learning.

By definition, service-learning programs include
voluntary or unpaid service in the community (e.g.,
tutoring, working in nursing homes, helping fix up
recreation areas) and structured time for prepara-
tion and reflection before, during, and after service
(e.g., group discussions, journal writing, composing
short papers). Often the service is voluntary, but
sometimes it is prearranged as part of a class.

Although service learning does have strong evi-
dence for reducing teen pregnancy, other youth de-
velopment programs have not reduced teen
pregnancy or childbearing (e.g., the Conservation
and Youth Service Corps, the Job Corps, JOB-
START). Thus, it remains unclear why some pro-
grams are effective and others are not.

Comprehensive and Intensive Programs

A few programs designed to reduce teen pregnancy
have been designed for high-risk youth and are both
intensive and comprehensive. One of them, the
Children’s Aid Society Carrera program, is an inten-
sive program operating five days per week and last-
ing throughout high school. It includes family life
and sex education, medical care including reproduc-
tive health services, individual academic assessment
and tutoring, a job club, employment, arts, and
sports. Research demonstrates that it reduced both
pregnancy and birthrates over a three-year period.

Conclusion

Despite declines in the teen pregnancy rate in the
United States in the 1990s, teen pregnancy remains
an important problem and diminishes the well-
being of both teen mothers and their children. For-
tunately, by the beginning of the twenty-first century
there were a diverse group of programs that were
demonstrated to be effective in reducing teen sexual
risk-taking or pregnancy. These include reproduc-
tive health services and clinic protocols focusing
upon patient sexual behavior, sex and HIV educa-
tion programs, service-learning programs, and in-
tensive and comprehensive programs for higher risk

RISK BEHAVIORS: TEEN PREGNANCY 2073

youth. The diversity of these programs increases the
choices for communities. To reduce teen pregnancy,
communities can replicate much more broadly and
with fidelity those programs with the greatest evi-
dence for success with populations similar to their
own; replicate more broadly programs incorporat-
ing the common qualities of programs effective with
populations similar to their own; and design and im-
plement programs that effectively address the im-
portant risk and protective factors associated with
sexual risk-taking in their communities.

See also: Guidance and Counseling, School;
Health Services; Out-of-School Influences
and Academic Success; Risk Behaviors, suben-
tries on HIV/AIDS, Sexual Activity Among Teens
and Teen Pregnancy Trends, Sexually Trans-
mitted Diseases; Sexuality Education.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Alan Guttmacher Institute. 1994. Sex and
America’s Teenagers. New York: Alan Guttm-
acher Institute.

Allen, Joseph P.; Philliber, Susan; Herrling,
Scott; and Kuperminc, Gabriel P. 1997.
‘‘Preventing Teen Pregnancy and Academic
Failure: Experimental Evaluation of a Develop-
mentally-Based Approach.’’ Child Development
64:729–742.

Boekeloo, Bradley O.; Schamus, Lisa A.; Sim-
mens, Samuel J.; Cheng, Tina L.; O’Connor,
Kathleen; and D’Angelo, Lawrence J. 1999.
‘‘An STD/HIV Prevention Trial among Adoles-
cents in Managed Care.’’ Pediatrics 103(1):107–
115.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
2000. ‘‘CDC Surveillance Summaries.’’ Morbidi-
ty and Mortality Weekly Report 49(SS-5).

Curtin, Sally C., and Martin, Joyce A. 2000.
‘‘Births: Preliminary Data for 1999.’’ National
Vital Statistics Reports 48(14). Hyattsville, MD:
National Center for Health Statistics.

Darroch, Jacqueline E., and Singh, Susheela.
1999. Why Is Teenage Pregnancy Declining? The
Roles of Abstinence, Sexual Activity, and Contra-
ceptive Use. New York: Alan Guttmacher Insti-
tute.

Henshaw, Stanley K. 1999. U.S. Teenage Pregnan-
cy Statistics with Comparative Statistics for
Women Aged 20–24. New York: Alan Guttm-
acher Institute.

Kirby, Douglas B. 2001. Emerging Answers: Re-
search Findings on Programs to Reduce Sexual
Risk-Taking and Teen Pregnancy. Washington,
DC: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Preg-
nancy.

Kirby, Douglas B.; Barth, Richard; Leland,
Nancy; and Fetro, Joyce. 1991. ‘‘Reducing the
Risk: A New Curriculum to Prevent Sexual
Risk-Taking.’’ Family Planning Perspectives
23:253–263.

Maynard, Rebecca A. 1996. Kids Having Kids: A
Robin Hood Foundation Special Report on the
Costs of Adolescent Childbearing. New York:
Robin Hood Foundation.

Moore, Kristin A.; Driscoll, Anne K.; and Lind-
berg, Laura D. 1998. A Statistical Portrait of
Adolescent Sex, Contraception, and Childbearing.
Washington, DC: National Campaign to Pre-
vent Teen Pregnancy.

National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnan-
cy. 1997. Whatever Happened to Childhood? The
Problem of Teen Pregnancy in the United States.
Washington, DC: National Campaign to Pre-
vent Teen Pregnancy.

Orr, Donald P.; Langefeld, Carl D.; Katz,
Barry P.; and Caine, Virginia A. 1996. ‘‘Be-
havioral Intervention to Increase Condom Use
among High-Risk Female Adolescents.’’ Journal
of Pediatrics 128:288–295.

Terry, Elizabeth, and Manlove, Jennifer. 2000.
Trends in Sexual Activity and Contraceptive Use
among Teens. Washington, DC: National Cam-
paign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2000.

Douglas B. Kirby

RISK MANAGEMENT IN HIGHER
EDUCATION

During the late twentieth century, American society
and higher education experienced a substantial in-
crease in lawsuits resulting from some form of per-
sonal injury, according to John F. Adams and John
W. Hall. A response to the trend of litigiousness, risk
management seeks to control exposure to legal risk,
thus limiting the negative impact of liability on the
institution. In 1995 William A. Kaplin and Barbara
A. Lee described four of the most common methods

2074 RISK MANAGEMENT IN HIGHER EDUCATION

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